December. 50 People in Bible Confirmed
Archaeologically
50 People in the Bible Confirmed
Archaeologically
A web-exclusive supplement to Lawrence Mykytiuk's
“Archaeology Confirms 50 Real People in the Bible” feature in the March/April
2014 issue of BAR
Sargon II, one of fifty Hebrew Bible figures identified
in the archaeological record.
In “Archaeology
Confirms 50 Real People in the Bible,”
in the March/April 2014 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, Purdue
University scholar Lawrence Mykytiuk lists 50 figures from the Hebrew Bible who
have been confirmed archaeologically. The 50-person chart in BAR
includes Israelite kings and Mesopotamian monarchs as well as lesser-known
figures.
Mykytiuk writes that “at least 50
people mentioned in the Bible have been identified in the archaeological
record. Their names appear in inscriptions written during the period described
by the Bible and in most instances during or quite close to the lifetime of the
person identified.” The extensive Biblical and archaeological documentation
supporting the BAR study is
published here in a web-exclusive collection of endnotes detailing the Biblical
references and inscriptions referring to each of the 50 figures.
Guide
to the Endnotes
Egypt
|
Name
|
Who was He?
|
When He reigned or Flourished B.C.E.
|
Where in the Bible?
|
1
|
|
pharaoh
|
945–924
|
1 Kings 11:40, etc.
|
2
|
|
pharaoh
|
730–715
|
2 Kings 17:4
|
3
|
|
pharaoh
|
690–664
|
2 Kings 19:9, etc.
|
4
|
|
pharaoh
|
610–595
|
2 Chronicles 35:20, etc.
|
5
|
|
pharaoh
|
589–570
|
Jeremiah 44:30
|
Moab
|
6
|
|
king
|
early to mid-ninth century
|
2 Kings 3:4–27
|
Aram-Damascus
|
7
|
|
king
|
early ninth century to 844/842
|
1 Kings 11:23, etc.
|
8
|
|
king
|
844/842
|
2 Kings 6:24, etc.
|
9
|
|
king
|
844/842–c. 800
|
1 Kings 19:15, etc.
|
10
|
|
king
|
early eighth century
|
2 Kings 13:3, etc.
|
11
|
|
king
|
mid-eighth century to 732
|
2 Kings 15:37, etc.
|
Northern Kingdom of Israel
|
12
|
|
king
|
884–873
|
1 Kings 16:16, etc.
|
13
|
|
king
|
873–852
|
1 Kings 16:28, etc.
|
14
|
|
king
|
842/841–815/814
|
1 Kings 19:16, etc.
|
15
|
|
king
|
805–790
|
2 Kings 13:9, etc.
|
16
|
|
king
|
790–750/749
|
2 Kings 13:13, etc.
|
17
|
|
king
|
749–738
|
2 Kings 15:14, etc.
|
18
|
|
king
|
750(?)–732/731
|
2 Kings 15:25, etc.
|
19
|
|
king
|
732/731–722
|
2 Kings 15:30, etc.
|
20
|
|
governor of Samaria under Persian rule
|
c. mid-fifth century
|
Nehemiah 2:10, etc.
|
Southern Kingdom of Judah
|
21
|
|
king
|
c. 1010–970
|
1 Samuel 16:13, etc.
|
22
|
|
king
|
788/787–736/735
|
2 Kings 14:21, etc.
|
23
|
|
king
|
742/741–726
|
2 Kings 15:38, etc.
|
24
|
|
king
|
726–697/696
|
2 Kings 16:20, etc.
|
25
|
|
king
|
697/696–642/641
|
2 Kings 20:21, etc.
|
26
|
|
high priest during Josiah’s reign
|
within 640/639–609
|
2 Kings 22:4, etc.
|
27
|
|
scribe during Josiah’s reign
|
within 640/639–609
|
2 Kings 22:3, etc.
|
28
|
|
high priest during Josiah’s reign
|
within 640/639–609
|
1 Chronicles 5:39, etc.
|
29
|
|
official during Jehoiakim’s reign
|
within 609–598
|
Jeremiah 36:10, etc.
|
30
|
|
king
|
598–597
|
2 Kings 24:6, etc.
|
31
|
|
father of Jehucal the royal official
|
late seventh century
|
Jeremiah 37:3, etc.
|
32
|
|
official during Zedekiah’s reign
|
within 597–586
|
Jeremiah 37:3, etc.
|
33
|
|
father of Gedaliah the royal official
|
late seventh century
|
Jeremiah 38:1
|
34
|
|
official during Zedekiah’s reign
|
within 597–586
|
Jeremiah 38:1
|
Assyria
|
35
|
|
king
|
744–727
|
2 Kings 15:19, etc.
|
36
|
|
king
|
726–722
|
2 Kings 17:3, etc.
|
37
|
|
king
|
721–705
|
Isaiah 20:1
|
38
|
|
king
|
704–681
|
2 Kings 18:13, etc.
|
39
|
|
son and assassin of Sennacherib
|
early seventh century
|
2 Kings 19:37, etc.
|
40
|
|
king
|
680–669
|
2 Kings 19:37, etc.
|
Babylonia
|
41
|
|
king
|
721–710 and 703
|
2 Kings 20:12, etc.
|
42
|
|
king
|
604–562
|
2 Kings 24:1, etc.
|
43
|
|
official of Nebuchadnezzar II
|
early sixth century
|
Jeremiah 39:3
|
44
|
|
king
|
561–560
|
2 Kings 25:27, etc.
|
45
|
|
son and co-regent of Nabonidus
|
c. 543?–540
|
Daniel 5:1, etc.
|
Persia
|
46
|
|
king
|
559–530
|
2 Chronicles 36:22, etc.
|
47
|
|
king
|
520–486
|
Ezra 4:5, etc.
|
48
|
|
king
|
486–465
|
Esther 1:1, etc.
|
49
|
|
king
|
465-425/424
|
Ezra 4:7, etc.
|
50
|
|
king
|
425/424-405/404
|
Nehemiah 12:22
|
EGYPT
1. Shishak
(= Shoshenq I), pharaoh, r. 945–924, 1 Kings 11:40 and 14:25, in his inscriptions, including the record of his
military campaign in Palestine in his 924 B.C.E. inscription on the exterior
south wall of the Temple of Amun at Karnak in Thebes. See OROT,
pp. 10, 31–32, 502 note 1; many references to him in Third,
indexed on p. 520; Kenneth A. Kitchen, review of IBP, SEE-J
Hiphil 2 (2005), http://www.see-j.net/index.php/hiphil/article/viewFile/19/17, bottom of p. 3, which is briefly mentioned in
“Sixteen,” p. 43 n. 22 (where the Egyptian name Shoshenq is incorrectly
transcribed).
Shoshenq is also referred to in a fragment of his victory stele discovered at
Megiddo containing his cartouche. See Robert S. Lamon and Geoffrey M. Shipton, Megiddo
I: Seasons of 1925–34, Strata I–V. (Oriental Institute Publications
no. 42; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), pp. 60–61, fig. 70; Graham
I. Davies, Megiddo (Cities of the Biblical World; Cambridge:
Lutterworth Press, 1986), pp. 89 fig. 18, 90; OROT, p. 508 n.
68; IBP,
p. 137 n. 119 (in which the Egyptian name Shoshenq is incorrectly transcribed).
3.
Tirhakah (= Taharqa), pharaoh, r. 690–664, 2 Kings 19:9, etc. in many Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions; Third,
pp. 387–395. For mention of Tirhakah in Assyrian inscriptions, see those of
Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal in Raging Torrent, pp. 138–143, 145,
150–153, 155, 156; ABC, p. 247 under “Terhaqah.” The Babylonian chronicle
also refers to him (Raging Torrent, p. 187). On Tirhakah as prince, see OROT,
p. 24.
4. Necho
II (= Neco II), pharaoh, r. 610–595, 2 Chronicles 35:20, etc., in inscriptions of the Assyrian king, Ashurbanipal (ANET,
pp. 294–297) and the Esarhaddon Chronicle (ANET, p. 303). See also Raging
Torrent, pp. 189–199, esp. 198; OROT, p. 504 n. 26; Third,
p. 407; ABC, p. 232.
5. Hophra
(= Apries = Wahibre), pharaoh, r. 589–570, Jeremiah 44:30, in Egyptian inscriptions, such as the one describing
his being buried by his successor, Aḥmose II (= Amasis II) (Third,
p. 333 n. 498), with reflections in Babylonian inscriptions regarding
Nebuchadnezzar’s defeat of Hophra in 572 and replacing him on the throne of
Egypt with a general, Aḥmes (= Amasis), who later rebelled against Babylonia and
was suppressed (Raging Torrent, p. 222). See OROT, pp. 9, 16,
24; Third,
p. 373 n. 747, 407 and 407 n. 969; ANET, p. 308; D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles
of Chaldaean Kings (626–556 B.C.) in the British Museum (London:
The Trustees of the British Museum, 1956), pp. 94-95. Cf. ANEHST,
p. 402. (The index of Third, p. 525, distinguishes
between an earlier “Wahibre i” [Third, p. 98] and the 26th
Dynasty’s “Wahibre ii” [= Apries], r. 589–570.)
Our
free eBook Ten Top
Biblical Archaeology Discoveries brings together the exciting worlds of archaeology and the Bible!
Learn the fascinating insights gained from artifacts and ruins, like the Pool
of Siloam in Jerusalem, where the Gospel of John says Jesus miraculously
restored the sight of the blind man, and the Tel Dan inscription—the first
historical evidence of King David outside the Bible.
MOAB
6. Mesha,
king, r. early to mid-9th century, 2 Kings 3:4–27, in the Mesha Inscription, which he caused to be
written, lines 1–2; Dearman, Studies, pp. 97, 100–101; IBP,
pp. 95–108, 238; “Sixteen,” p. 43.
ARAM-DAMASCUS
7.
Hadadezer, king, r. early 9th century to 844/842, 1 Kings 22:3, etc., in Assyrian inscriptions of Shalmaneser III and also,
I am convinced, in the Melqart stele. The Hebrew Bible does not name him,
referring to him only as “the King of Aram” in 1 Kings 22:3, 31; 2 Kings
chapter 5, 6:8–23. We find out this king’s full name in some contemporaneous
inscriptions of Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria (r. 858–824), such as the
Black Obelisk (Raging Torrent, pp. 22–24). At Kurkh, a monolith by
Shalmaneser III states that at the battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.E.), he defeated
“Adad-idri [the Assyrian way of saying Hadadezer] the Damascene,” along with
“Ahab the Israelite” and other kings (Raging Torrent, p. 14; RIMA 3, p.
23, A.0.102.2, col. ii, lines 89b–92). “Hadadezer the Damascene” is also
mentioned in an engraving on a statue of Shalmaneser III at Aššur (RIMA 3, p.
118, A.0.102.40, col. i, line 14). The same statue engraving later mentions
both Hadadezer and Hazael together (RIMA 3, p. 118, col. i, lines 25–26) in a
topical arrangement of worst enemies defeated that is not necessarily
chronological.
On the long-disputed readings of the Melqart stele, which was discovered in
Syria in 1939, see “Corrections,” pp. 69–85, which follows the closely allied
readings of Frank Moore Cross and Gotthard G. G. Reinhold. Those readings,
later included in “Sixteen,” pp. 47–48, correct the earlier absence of this
Hadadezer in IBP (notably on p. 237, where he is not to be confused
with the tenth-century Hadadezer, son of Rehob and king of Zobah).
8.
Ben-hadad, son of Hadadezer, r. or served as co-regent 844/842, 2 Kings 6:24,
etc., in the Melqart stele, following
the readings of Frank Moore Cross and Gotthard G. G. Reinhold and Cross’s 2003
criticisms of a different reading that now appears in COS,
vol. 2, pp. 152–153 (“Corrections,” pp. 69–85). Several kings of Damascus
bore the name Bar-hadad (in their native Aramaic, which is translated as
Ben-hadad in the Hebrew Bible), which suggests adoption as “son” by the patron
deity Hadad. This designation might indicate that he was the crown prince
and/or co-regent with his father Hadadezer. It seems likely that
Bar-hadad/Ben-hadad was his father’s immediate successor as king, as seems to
be implied by the military policy reversal between 2 Kings 6:3–23 and 6:24. It
was this Ben-Hadad, the son of Hadadezer, whom Hazael assassinated in 2 Kings
8:7–15 (quoted in Raging Torrent, p. 25). The mistaken disqualification of
this biblical identification in the Melqart stele in IBP,
p. 237, is revised to a strong identification in that stele in “Corrections,”
pp. 69–85; “Sixteen,” p. 47.
9. Hazael,
king, r. 844/842–ca. 800, 1 Kings 19:15, 2 Kings 8:8, etc., is documented in four kinds of inscriptions: 1) The
inscriptions of Shalmaneser III call him “Hazael of Damascus” (Raging
Torrent, pp. 23–26, 28), for example the inscription on the Kurbail
Statue (RIMA 3, p. 60, line 21). He is also referred to in 2) the Zakkur stele
from near Aleppo, in what is now Syria, and in 3) bridle inscriptions, i.e.,
two inscribed horse blinders and a horse frontlet discovered on Greek islands,
and in 4) inscribed ivories seized as Assyrian war booty (Raging
Torrent, p. 35). All are treated in IBP, pp. 238–239,
and listed in “Sixteen,” p. 44. Cf. “Corrections,” pp. 101–103.
10.
Ben-hadad, son of Hazael, king, r. early 8th century, 2 Kings 13:3, etc., in the Zakkur stele from near Aleppo. In lines 4–5, it
calls him “Bar-hadad, son of Hazael, the king of Aram” (IBP,
p. 240; “Sixteen,” p. 44; Raging Torrent, p. 38; ANET,
p. 655: COS, vol. 2, p. 155). On the possibility of Ben-hadad,
son of Hazael, being the “Mari” in Assyrian inscriptions, see Raging
Torrent, pp. 35–36.
11. Rezin
(= Raḥianu), king, r. mid-8th century
to 732, 2 Kings 15:37, etc., in
the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, king of Assyria (in these
inscriptions, Raging Torrent records frequent mention of Rezin
in pp. 51–78); OROT, p. 14. Inscriptions of
Tiglath-pileser III refer to “Rezin” several times, “Rezin of Damascus” in
Annal 13, line 10 (ITP, pp. 68–69), and “the dynasty of Rezin of Damascus”
in Annal 23, line 13 (ITP, pp. 80–81). Tiglath-pileser
III’s stele from Iran contains an explicit reference to Rezin as king of
Damascus in column III, the right side, A: “[line 1] The kings of the land of
Hatti (and of) the Aramaeans of the western seashore . . . [line 4] Rezin
of Damascus” (ITP, pp. 106–107).
NORTHERN KINGDOM OF ISRAEL
12. Omri,
king, r. 884–873, 1 Kings 16:16, etc., in Assyrian inscriptions and in the Mesha Inscription. Because
he founded a famous dynasty which ruled the northern kingdom of Israel, the
Assyrians refer not only to him as a king of Israel (ANET,
pp. 280, 281), but also to the later rulers of that territory as kings of “the
house of Omri” and that territory itself literally as “the house of Omri” (Raging
Torrent, pp. 34, 35; ANET, pp. 284, 285). Many a later
king of Israel who was not his descendant, beginning with Jehu, was called “the
son of Omri” (Raging Torrent, p. 18). The Mesha Inscription also
refers to Omri as “the king of Israel” in lines 4–5, 7 (Dearman, Studies,
pp. 97, 100–101; COS, vol. 2, p. 137; IBP, pp. 108–110, 216; “Sixteen,”
p. 43.
13. Ahab,
king, r. 873–852, 1 Kings 16:28, etc., in the Kurkh Monolith by his enemy, Shalmaneser III of Assyria.
There, referring to the battle of Qarqar (853 B.C.E.), Shalmaneser calls him
“Ahab the Israelite” (Raging Torrent, pp. 14, 18–19; RIMA
3, p. 23, A.0.102.2, col. 2, lines 91–92; ANET, p. 279; COS,
vol. 2, p. 263).
14. Jehu,
king, r. 842/841–815/814, 1 Kings 19:16, etc., in inscriptions of Shalmaneser III. In these, “son”
means nothing more than that he is the successor, in this instance, of Omri (Raging
Torrent, p. 20 under “Ba’asha . . . ” and p. 26). A long version of
Shalmaneser III’s annals on a stone tablet in the outer wall of the city of
Aššur refers to Jehu in col. 4, line 11, as “Jehu, son of Omri” (Raging
Torrent, p. 28; RIMA 3, p. 54, A.0.102.10, col. 4, line 11; cf. ANET,
p. 280, the parallel “fragment of an annalistic text”). Also, on the Kurba’il
Statue, lines 29–30 refer to “Jehu, son of Omri” (RIMA 3, p. 60, A.0.102.12,
lines 29–30).
In Shalmaneser III’s Black Obelisk,
current scholarship regards the notation over relief B, depicting payment of
tribute from Israel, as referring to “Jehu, son of Omri” (Raging
Torrent, p. 23; RIMA 3, p. 149, A.0. 102.88), but cf. P. Kyle
McCarter, Jr., “‘Yaw, Son of ’Omri’: A Philological Note on Israelite
Chronology,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
216 (1974): pp. 5–7.
15. Joash
(= Jehoash), king, r. 805–790, 2 Kings 13:9, etc., in the Tell al-Rimaḥ inscription of Adad-Nirari III,
king of Assyria (r. 810–783), which mentions “the tribute of Joash [= Iu’asu]
the Samarian” (Stephanie Page, “A Stela of Adad-Nirari III and Nergal-Ereš from
Tell Al Rimaḥ,” Iraq
30 [1968]: pp. 142–145, line 8, Pl. 38–41; RIMA 3, p. 211, line 8
of A.0.104.7; Raging Torrent, pp. 39–41).
16.
Jeroboam II, king, r. 790–750/749, 2 Kings 13:13, etc., in the seal of his royal servant Shema, discovered at
Megiddo (WSS, p. 49 no. 2; IBP, pp. 133–139, 217;
“Sixteen,” p. 46).
17.
Menahem, king, r. 749–738, 2 Kings 15:14, etc., in the Calah Annals of Tiglath-pileser III. Annal 13,
line 10 refers to “Menahem of Samaria” in a list of kings who paid tribute (ITP,
pp. 68–69, Pl. IX). Tiglath-pileser III’s stele from Iran, his only known
stele, refers explicitly to Menahem as king of Samaria in column III, the right
side, A: “[line 1] The kings of the land of Hatti (and of) the Aramaeans of the
western seashore . . . [line 5] Menahem of Samaria.” (ITP,
pp. 106–107). See also Raging Torrent, pp. 51, 52, 54, 55,
59; ANET,
p. 283.
18. Pekah,
king, r. 750(?)–732/731, 2 Kings 15:25, etc., in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III. Among
various references to “Pekah,” the most explicit concerns the replacement of
Pekah in Summary Inscription 4, lines 15–17: “[line 15] . . . The land of
Bit-Humria . . . . [line 17] Peqah, their king [I/they killed] and I installed
Hoshea [line 18] [as king] over them” (ITP, pp. 140–141; Raging
Torrent, pp. 66–67).
20.
Sanballat “I”, governor of Samaria under Persian rule, ca. mid-fifth century,
Nehemiah 2:10, etc., in a letter
among the papyri from the Jewish community at Elephantine in Egypt (A. E.
Cowley, ed., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1923; reprinted Osnabrück, Germany: Zeller, 1967), p. 114
English translation of line 29, and p. 118 note regarding line 29; ANET,
p. 492.
Also, the reference to “[
]ballat,” most likely Sanballat, in Wadi Daliyeh bulla WD 22 appears to refer
to the biblical Sanballat as the father of a governor of Samaria who succeeded
him in the first half of the fourth century. As Jan Dušek shows, it cannot
be demonstrated that any Sanballat II and III existed, which is the reason for
the present article’s quotation marks around the “I” in Sanballat “I”; see Jan
Dušek, “Archaeology and Texts in the Persian Period: Focus on Sanballat,” in
Martti Nissinen, ed., Congress Volume: Helsinki 2010
(Boston: Brill. 2012), pp. 117–132.
As
the point where three of the world’s major religions converge, Israel’s history
is one of the richest and most complex in the world. Sift through the
archaeology and history of this ancient land in the free eBook Israel:
An Archaeological Journey,
and get a view of these significant Biblical sites through an archaeologist’s
lens.
SOUTHERN KINGDOM OF JUDAH
21. David,
king, r. ca. 1010–970, 1 Samuel 16:13, etc. in three inscriptions. Most notable is the victory
stele in Aramaic known as the “house of David” inscription, discovered at Tel
Dan; Avraham Biran and Joseph Naveh, “An Aramaic Stele from Tel Dan,” IEJ 43
(1993), pp. 81–98, and idem, “The Tel Dan Inscription: A New Fragment,” IEJ 45
(1995), pp. 1–18. An ancient Aramaic word pattern in line 9 designates David as
the founder of the dynasty of Judah in the phrase “house of David” (2 Sam 2:11
and 5:5; Gary A. Rendsburg, “On the Writing ביתדיד
[BYTDWD] in the Aramaic Inscription from Tel Dan,” IEJ 45 [1995],
pp. 22–25; Raging Torrent, p. 20, under “Ba’asha . . .”; IBP,
pp. 110–132, 265–77; “Sixteen,” pp. 41–43).
In the second inscription, the
Mesha Inscription, the phrase “house of David” appears in Moabite in line 31
with the same meaning: that he is the founder of the dynasty. There David’s
name appears with only its first letter destroyed, and no other letter in that
spot makes sense without creating a very strained, awkward reading (André
Lemaire, “‘House of David’ Restored in Moabite Inscription,” BAR
20, no. 3 [May/June 1994]: pp. 30–37. David’s name also appears in line 12 of
the Mesha Inscription (Anson F. Rainey, “Mesha‘ and Syntax,” in J. Andrew
Dearman and M. Patrick Graham, eds., The Land That I Will Show You: Essays on the
History and Archaeology of the Ancient Near East in Honor of J. Maxwell Miller.
(JSOT Supplement series, no. 343; Sheffield, England:Sheffield Academic, 2001),
pp. 287–307; IBP, pp. 265–277; “Sixteen,” pp. 41–43).
The third inscription, in Egyptian,
mentions a region in the Negev called “the heights of David” after King David
(Kenneth A. Kitchen, “A Possible Mention of David in the Late Tenth Century
B.C.E., and Deity *Dod as Dead as the Dodo?” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
76 [1997], pp. 39–41; IBP, p. 214 note 3, which is
revised in “Corrections,” pp. 119–121; “Sixteen,” p. 43).
In the table on p. 46 of BAR,
David is listed as king of Judah. According to 2 Samuel 5:5, for his first
seven years and six months as a monarch, he ruled only the southern kingdom of
Judah. We have no inscription that refers to David as king over all Israel
(that is, the united kingdom) as also stated in 2 Sam 5:5.
22. Uzziah
(= Azariah), king, r. 788/787–736/735, 2 Kings 14:21, etc., in the inscribed stone seals of two of his royal
servants: Abiyaw and Shubnayaw (more commonly called Shebanyaw); WSS,
p. 51 no. 4 and p. 50 no. 3, respectively; IBP, pp. 153–159 and 159–163,
respectively, and p. 219 no. 20 (a correction to IBP is that on
p. 219, references to WSS nos. 3 and 4 are reversed);
“Sixteen,” pp. 46–47. Cf. also his secondary burial inscription from the Second
Temple era (IBP, p. 219 n. 22).
23. Ahaz
(= Jehoahaz), king, r. 742/741–726, 2 Kings 15:38, etc., in Tiglath-pileser III’s Summary Inscription 7,
reverse, line 11, refers to “Jehoahaz of Judah” in a list of kings who paid
tribute (ITP, pp. 170–171; Raging Torrent, pp. 58–59). The
Bible refers to him by the shortened form of his full name, Ahaz, rather than
by the full form of his name, Jehoahaz, which the Assyrian inscription uses.
Cf. the unprovenanced seal of ’Ushna’, more commonly called ’Ashna’, the name
Ahaz appears (IBP, pp. 163–169, with corrections from Kitchen’s review
of IBP
as noted in “Corrections,” p. 117; “Sixteen,” pp. 38–39 n. 11). Because this
king already stands clearly documented in an Assyrian inscription,
documentation in another inscription is not necessary to confirm the existence
of the biblical Ahaz, king of Judah.
24.
Hezekiah, king, r. 726–697/696, 2 Kings 16:20, etc., initially in the Rassam Cylinder of Sennacherib (in
this inscription, Raging Torrent records frequent mention of Hezekiah in
pp. 111–123; COS, pp. 302–303). It mentions “Hezekiah the Judahite”
(col. 2 line 76 and col. 3 line 1 in Luckenbill, Annals of Sennacherib,
pp. 31, 32) and “Jerusalem, his royal city” (ibid., col. 3 lines 28, 40; ibid.,
p. 33) Other, later copies of the annals of Sennacherib, such as the Oriental
Institute prism and the Taylor prism, mostly repeat the content of the Rassam
cylinder, duplicating its way of referring to Hezekiah and Jerusalem (ANET,
pp. 287, 288). The Bull Inscription from the palace at Nineveh (ANET,
p. 288; Raging Torrent, pp. 126–127) also mentions “Hezekiah the
Judahite” (lines 23, 27 in Luckenbill, Annals of Sennacherib, pp. 69, 70)
and “Jerusalem, his royal city” (line 29; ibid., p. 33).
25.
Manasseh, king, r. 697/696–642/641, 2 Kings 20:21, etc., in the inscriptions of Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (Raging
Torrent, pp. 131, 133, 136) and Ashurbanipal (ibid., p. 154).
“Manasseh, king of Judah,” according to Esarhaddon (r. 680–669), was among
those who paid tribute to him (Esarhaddon’s Prism B, column 5, line 55; R.
Campbell Thompson, The Prisms of Esarhaddon and Ashurbanipal [London: Trustees
of the British Museum, 1931], p. 25; ANET, p. 291). Also, Ashurbanipal
(r. 668–627) records that “Manasseh, king of Judah” paid tribute to him
(Ashurbanipal’s Cylinder C, col. 1, line 25; Maximilian Streck, Assurbanipal
und die letzten assyrischen Könige bis zum Untergang Niniveh’s,
[Vorderasiatische Bibliothek 7; Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1916], vol. 2, pp.
138–139; ANET, p. 294.
The oldest part of Jerusalem,
called the City of David, is the location where the Bible places all four men
named in the bullae covered in the present endnotes 26 through 29.
Analysis of the clay of these
bullae shows that they were produced in the locale of Jerusalem (Eran Arie,
Yuval Goren, and Inbal Samet, “Indelible Impression: Petrographic Analysis of
Judahite Bullae,” in The Fire Signals of Lachish:
Studies in the Archaeology and History of Israel in the Late Bronze Age, Iron
Age, and Persian Period in Honor of David Ussishkin [ed.
Israel Finkelstein and Nadav Na’aman; Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2011], p.
10, quoted in “Sixteen,” pp. 48–49 n. 34).
27.
Shaphan, scribe during Josiah’s reign, within 640/639–609, 2 Kings 22:3, etc., in the City of David bulla of Gemariah, son of Shaphan
(WSS,
p. 190 no. 470; IBP, pp. 139–146, 228). See endnote 26 above regarding
“Sixteen,” pp. 48–49 n. 34.
29.
Gemariah, official during Jehoiakim’s reign, within 609–598, Jeremiah 36:10,
etc., in the City of David bulla of
Gemariah, son of Shaphan (WSS, p. 190 no. 470; IBP,
pp. 147, 232). See endnote 26 above regarding “Sixteen,” pp. 48–49 n. 34.
30.
Jehoiachin (= Jeconiah = Coniah), king, r. 598–597, 2 Kings 24:5, etc., in four Babylonian administrative tablets regarding
oil rations or deliveries, during his exile in Babylonia (Raging
Torrent, p. 209; ANEHST, pp. 386–387). Discovered at
Babylon, they are dated from the tenth to the thirty-fifth year of
Nebuchadnezzar II, king of Babylonia and conqueror of Jerusalem. One tablet
calls Jehoiachin “king” (Text Babylon 28122, obverse, line 29; ANET,
p. 308). A second, fragmentary text mentions him as king in an immediate
context that refers to “[. . . so]ns of the king of Judah” and “Judahites”
(Text Babylon 28178, obverse, col. 2, lines 38–40; ANET, p. 308).
The third tablet calls him “the son of the king of Judah” and refers to “the
five sons of the king of Judah” (Text Babylon 28186, reverse, col. 2, lines
17–18; ANET, p. 308). The fourth text, the most fragmentary of
all, confirms “Judah” and part of Jehoiachin’s name, but contributes no data
that is not found in the other texts.
31.
Shelemiah, father of Jehucal the official, late 7th century, Jeremiah 37:3;
38:1
and
32.
Jehucal (= Jucal), official during Zedekiah’s reign, fl. within 597–586,
Jeremiah 37:3; 38:1 only, both
referred to in a bulla discovered in the City of David in 2005 (Eilat
Mazar, “Did I Find King David’s Palace?” BAR 32, no. 1 [January/February 2006], pp. 16–27, 70; idem, Preliminary Report on the
City of David Excavations 2005 at the Visitors Center Area [Jerusalem
and New York: Shalem, 2007], pp. 67–69; idem, “The Wall
that Nehemiah Built,” BAR 35, no. 2
[March/April 2009], pp. 24–33,66; idem, The
Palace of King David: Excavations at the Summit of the City of David:
Preliminary Report of Seasons 2005-2007 [Jerusalem/New York: Shoham
AcademicResearch and Publication, 2009], pp. 66–71). Only the possibility of
firm identifications is left open in “Corrections,” pp. 85–92; “Sixteen,” pp.
50–51; this article is my first affirmation of four identifications, both here
in notes 31 and 32 and below in notes 33 and 34.
After cautiously observing
publications and withholding judgment for several years, I am now affirming the
four identifications in notes 31 through 34, because I am now convinced that
this bulla is a remnant from an administrative center in the City of David, a
possibility suggested in “Corrections,” p. 100 second-to-last paragraph, and
“Sixteen,” p. 51. For me, the tipping point came by comparing the description
and pictures of the nearby and immediate archaeological context in Eilat Mazar,
“Palace of King David,” pp. 66–70, with the administrative contexts
described in Eran Arie, Yuval Goren, and Inbal Samet, “Indelible Impression:
Petrographic Analysis of Judahite Bullae,” in Israel Finkelstein and Nadav
Na’aman, eds., The Fire Signals of Lachish: Studies in the Archaeology and History
of Israel in the Late Bronze Age, Iron Age, and Persian
Period in Honor of David Ussishkin (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns,
2011), pp. 12–13 (the section titled “The Database: Judahite Bullae from
Controlled Excavations”) and pp. 23–24. See also Nadav
Na’aman, “The Interchange between Bible and Archaeology: The Case of David’s
Palace and the Millo,” BAR 40, no. 1
(January/February 2014), pp. 57–61,
68–69, which is drawn from idem, “Biblical and Historical Jerusalem in the
Tenth and Fifth-Fourth Centuries B.C.E.,” Biblica 93 (2012): pp. 21–42. See
also idem, “Five Notes on Jerusalem in the First and Second Temple Periods,” Tel Aviv
39 (2012): p. 93.
33.
Pashhur, father of Gedaliah the official, late 7th century, Jeremiah 38:1
and
34.
Gedaliah, official during Zedekiah’s reign, fl. within 597–586, Jeremiah 38:1 only, both referred to in a bulla discovered in the
City of David in 2008. See “Corrections,” pp. 92–96; “Sixteen,” pp. 50–51; and
the preceding endnote 31 and 32 for bibliographic details on E. Mazar, “Wall,”
pp. 24–33, 66; idem, Palace of King David, pp. 68–71)
and for the comments in the paragraph that begins, “After cautiously . . . .”
ASSYRIA
35.
Tiglath-pileser III (= Pul), king, r. 744–727, 2 Kings 15:19, etc., in his many inscriptions. See Raging
Torrent, pp. 46–79; COS, vol. 2, pp. 284–292; ITP;
Mikko Lukko, The Correspondence of Tiglath-pileser III and Sargon II from
Calah/Nimrud (State Archives of Assyria, no. 19; Assyrian Text
Corpus Project; Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2013); ABC,
pp. 248–249. On Pul as referring to Tiglath-pileser III, which is implicit in ABC,
p. 333 under “Pulu,” see ITP, p. 280 n. 5 for discussion and
bibliography.
On the identification of
Tiglath-pileser III in the Aramaic monumental inscription honoring Panamu II,
in Aramaic monumental inscriptions 1 and 8 of Bar-Rekub (now in Istanbul and
Berlin, respectively), and in the Ashur Ostracon, see IBP,
p. 240; COS, pp. 158–161.
36.
Shalmaneser V (= Ululaya), king, r. 726–722, 2 Kings 17:2, etc., in chronicles, in king-lists, and in rare remaining
inscriptions of his own (ABC, p. 242; COS,
vol. 2, p. 325). Most notable is the Neo-Babylonian Chronicle series, Chronicle
1, i, lines 24–32. In those lines, year 2 of the Chronicle mentions his
plundering the city of Samaria (Raging Torrent, pp. 178, 182; ANEHST,
p. 408). (“Shalman” in Hosea 10:14 is likely a historical allusion, but modern
lack of information makes it difficult to assign it to a particular historical
situation or ruler, Assyrian or otherwise. See below for the endnotes to the
box at the top of p. 50.)
37. Sargon
II, king, r. 721–705, Isaiah 20:1, in
many inscriptions, including his own. See Raging Torrent, pp. 80–109,
176–179, 182; COS, vol. 2, pp. 293–300; Mikko Lukko, The
Correspondence of Tiglath-pileser III and Sargon II from Calah/Nimrud
(State Archives of Assyria, no. 19; Assyrian Text Corpus Project; Winona Lake,
Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2013); ABC, pp. 236–238; IBP,
pp. 240–241 no. (74).
38.
Sennacherib, king, r. 704–681, 2 Kings 18:13, etc., in many inscriptions, including his own. See Raging
Torrent, pp. 110–129; COS, vol. 2, pp. 300–305; ABC,
pp. 238–240; ANEHST, pp. 407–411, esp. 410; IBP,
pp. 241–242.
39.
Adrammelech (= Ardamullissu = Arad-mullissu), son and assassin of Sennacherib,
fl. early 7th century, 2 Kings 19:37, etc., in a letter sent to Esarhaddon, who succeeded
Sennacherib on the throne of Assyria. See Raging Torrent, pp. 111, 184, and COS,
vol. 3, p. 244, both of which describe and cite with approval Simo Parpola,
“The Murderer of Sennacherib,” in Death in Mesopotamia: Papers Read at the XXVie
Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, ed. Bendt Alster
(Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1980), pp. 171–182. See also ABC,
p. 240.
An upcoming scholarly challenge is
the identification of Sennacherib’s successor, Esarhaddon, as a more likely
assassin in Andrew Knapp’s paper, “The Murderer of Sennacherib, Yet Again,” to
be read in a February 2014 Midwest regional conference in Bourbonnais, Ill.
(SBL/AOS/ASOR).
On various renderings of the
neo-Assyrian name of the assassin, see RlA s.v. “Ninlil,” vol. 9, pp.
452–453 (in German). On the mode of execution of those thought to have
been conspirators in the assassination, see the selection from
Ashurbanipal’s Rassam cylinder in ANET, p. 288.
40.
Esarhaddon, king, r. 680–669, 2 Kings 19:37, etc., in his many inscriptions. See Raging
Torrent, pp. 130–147; COS, vol. 2, p. 306; ABC,
pp. 217–219. Esarhaddon’s name appears in many cuneiform inscriptions (ANET,
pp. 272–274, 288–290, 292–294, 296, 297, 301–303, 426–428, 449, 450, 531,
533–541, 605, 606), including his Succession Treaty (ANEHST,
p. 355).
BABYLONIA
41.
Merodach-baladan II (=Marduk-apla-idinna II), king, r. 721–710 and 703, 2 Kings
20:12, etc., in the inscriptions of
Sennacherib and the Neo-Babylonian Chronicles (Raging Torrent,
pp. 111, 174, 178–179, 182–183. For Sennacherib’s account of his first
campaign, which was against Merodach-baladan II, see COS,
vol. 2, pp. 300-302. For the Neo-Babylonian Chronicle series, Chronicle 1, i,
33–42, see ANEHST, pp. 408–409. This king is also included in the
Babylonian King List A (ANET, p. 271), and the latter part
of his name remains in the reference to him in the Synchronistic King List (ANET,
pp. 271–272), on which see ABC, pp. 226, 237.
42.
Nebuchadnezzar II, king, r. 604–562, 2 Kings 24:1, etc., in many cuneiform tablets, including his own
inscriptions. See Raging Torrent, pp. 220–223; COS, vol. 2, pp.
308–310; ANET, pp. 221, 307–311; ABC, p. 232. The
Neo-Babylonian Chronicle series refers to him in Chronicles 4 and 5 (ANEHST,
pp. 415, 416–417, respectively). Chronicle 5, reverse, lines 11–13, briefly
refers to his conquest of Jerusalem (“the city of Judah”) in 597 by defeating
“its king” (Jehoiachin), as well as his appointment of “a king of his own
choosing” (Zedekiah) as king of Judah.
43.
Nebo-sarsekim, chief official of Nebuchadnezzar II, fl. early 6th century,
Jeremiah 39:3, in a cuneiform inscription on
Babylonian clay tablet BM 114789 (1920-12-13, 81), dated to 595 B.C.E. The time
reference in Jeremiah 39:3 is very close, to the year 586. Since it is
extremely unlikely that two individuals having precisely the same personal name
would have been, in turn, the sole holders of precisely this unique position
within a decade of each other, it is safe to assume that the inscription and
the book of Jeremiah refer to the same person in different years of his time in
office. In July 2007 in the British Museum, Austrian researcher Michael Jursa
discovered this Babylonian reference to the biblical “Nebo-sarsekim, the
Rab-saris” (rab ša-rēši, meaning “chief official”) of Nebuchadnezzar
II (r. 604–562). Jursa identified this official in his article,
“Nabu-šarrūssu-ukīn, rab ša-rēši, und
‘Nebusarsekim’ (Jer. 39:3),” Nouvelles Assyriologiques Breves et Utilitaires2008/1
(March): pp. 9–10 (in German). See also Bob Becking, “Identity of
Nabusharrussu-ukin, the Chamberlain: An Epigraphic Note on Jeremiah 39,3. With
an Appendix on the Nebu(!)sarsekim Tablet by Henry Stadhouders,” Biblische
Notizen NF 140 (2009): pp. 35–46; “Corrections,” pp. 121–124;
“Sixteen,” p. 47 n. 31. On the correct translation of ráb
ša-rēši
(and three older, published instances of it having been incorrect translated as
rab
šaqê),
see ITP,
p. 171 n. 16.
44.
Evil-merodach (= Awel Marduk, = Amel Marduk), king, r. 561–560, 2 Kings 25:27,
etc., in various inscriptions (ANET,
p. 309; OROT, pp. 15, 504 n. 23). See especially Ronald H.
Sack, Amel-Marduk: 562-560 B.C.; A Study Based on Cuneiform, Old
Testament, Greek, Latin and Rabbinical Sources (Alter Orient und
Altes Testament, no. 4; Kevelaer, Butzon & Bercker, and Neukirchen-Vluyn,
Neukirchener, 1972).
45.
Belshazzar, son and co-regent of Nabonidus, fl. ca. 543?–540, Daniel 5:1, etc., in Babylonian administrative documents and the “Verse
Account” (Muhammed A. Dandamayev, “Nabonid, A,” RlA, vol. 9, p.
10; Raging
Torrent, pp. 215–216; OROT, pp. 73–74). A neo-Babylonian
text refers to him as “Belshazzar the crown prince” (ANET,
pp. 309–310 n. 5).
PERSIA
46. Cyrus
II (=Cyrus the great), king, r. 559–530, 2 Chronicles 36:22, etc., in various inscriptions (including his own), for which
and on which see ANEHST, pp. 418–426, ABC, p. 214. For Cyrus’ cylinder
inscription, see Raging Torrent, pp. 224–230; ANET, pp.
315–316; COS, vol. 2, pp. 314–316; ANEHST, pp.
426–430; P&B, pp. 87–92. For larger context and implications in the
biblical text, see OROT, pp. 70-76.
47. Darius
I (=Darius the Great), king, r. 520–486, Ezra 4:5, etc., in various inscriptions, including his own trilingual
cliff inscription at Behistun, on which see P&B, pp. 131–134. See also COS,
vol. 2, p. 407, vol. 3, p. 130; ANET, pp. 221, 316, 492; ABC,
p. 214; ANEHST, pp. 407, 411. On the setting, see OROT,
pp. 70–75.
48. Xerxes
I (= Ahasuerus), king, r. 486–465, Esther 1:1, etc., in various inscriptions, including his own (P&B,
p. 301; ANET, pp. 316–317), and in the dates of documents from
the time of his reign (COS, vol. 2, p. 188, vol. 3, pp.
142, 145. On the setting, see OROT, pp. 70–75.
49.
Artaxerxes I Longimanus, king, r. 465-425/424, Ezra 4:6, 7, etc., in various inscriptions, including his own (P&B,
pp. 242–243), and in the dates of documents from the time of his reign (COS,
vol. 2, p. 163, vol. 3, p. 145; ANET, p. 548).
50. Darius
II Nothus, king, r. 425/424-405/404, Nehemiah 12:22, in various inscriptions, including his own (for
example, P&B, pp. 158–159) and in the dates of documents from the time of
his reign (ANET, p. 548; COS, vol. 3, pp. 116–117).
In general, the persons listed in
the box at the top of p. 50 of
the March/April 2014 issue of BAR exclude persons in two categories. The first category
includes those about whom we know so little that we cannot even approach a firm
identification with anyone named in an inscription. One example is “Shalman” in
Hosea 10:14. This name almost certainly refers to a historical person, but
variations of this name were common in the ancient Near East, and modern lack
of information on the biblical Shalman makes it difficult to assign it to a
particular historical situation or ruler, Assyrian or otherwise. See Francis I.
Andersen and David Noel Freedman, Hosea (The Anchor Bible, vol. 24;
Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1980), pp. 570–571. A second example is
“Osnappar” (=Asnapper) in Ezra 4:10, who is not called a king, and for whom the
traditional identification has no basis for singling out any particular ruler.
See Jacob M. Myers, Ezra-Nehemiah (The Anchor Bible. vol. 14; Garden City,
N.Y.: Doubleday, 1981), p. 333.
The second category of excluded
identifications comes from the distinction between inscriptions that are dug up
after many centuries and texts that have been copied and recopied through the
course of many centuries. The latter include the books of the Bible itself, as
well as other writings, notably those of Flavius Josephus in the first century
C.E. His reference to Ethbaal (=’Ittoba’al =’Ithoba’al), the father of Jezebel
(1 Kings 16:31). is not included in this article, because Josephus’ writings do
not come to us from archaeology. See IBP, p. 238 n. 90; cf. Raging
Torrent, pp. 30, 115–116 (p. 133 refers to an Ethbaal appointed
king of Sidon by Sennacherib, therefore he must have lived a century later than
Jezebel’s father).
AMMON
Balaam
son of Beor, fl. late 13th century (some scholars prefer late
15th century), Numbers 22:5, etc., in a wall inscription on plaster dated to
700 B.C.E. (COS, vol. 2, pp. 140–145). It was discovered at Tell
Deir ʿAllā, in the same Transjordanian geographical area in which
the Bible places Balaam’s
activity. Many scholars assume or conclude that the Balaam and Beor of the
inscription are the same as the biblical pair and belong to the same folk
tradition, which is not necessarily historical. See P. Kyle McCarter, Jr., “The
Balaam Texts from Deir ‘Allā: The First Combination,” BASOR
239 (1980): pp. 49–60; Jo Ann Hackett, The Balaam Text from Deir ʿAllā (Chico, Calif.:
Scholars Press, 1984), pp. 27, 33–34; idem, “Some Observations on the Balaam
Tradition at Deir ʿAllā,” Biblical
Archaeologist 49 (1986), p. 216. Mykytiuk at first listed these two
identifications under a strong classification in IBP, p. 236, but
because the inscription does not reveal a time period for Balaam and Beor, he
later corrected that to a “not-quite-firmly identified” classification in
“Corrections,” pp. 111–113, no. 29 and 30, and in “Sixteen,” p. 53.
Although it contains three
identifying marks (traits) of both father and son, this inscription is dated to
ca. 700 B.C.E., several centuries after the period in which the Bible places
Balaam. Speaking with no particular reference to this inscription, some
scholars, such as Frendo and Kofoed, argue that lengthy gaps between a
particular writing and the things to which it refers are not automatically
to be considered refutations of historical claims (Anthony J.
Frendo, Pre-Exilic Israel, the Hebrew Bible, and Archaeology: Integrating
Text and Artefact [New York: T&T Clark, 2011], p. 98; Jens B.
Kofoed, Text and History: Historiography and the Study of the Biblical Text
[Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2005], pp. 83–104, esp. p, 42). There might
easily have been intervening sources which transmitted the information from
generation to generation but as centuries passed, were lost.
Baalis, king of
the Ammonites, r. early 6th century, Jeremiah
40:14, in an Ammonite seal impression on the larger, fairly flat end of a
ceramic cone (perhaps a bottle-stopper?) from Tell el-Umeiri, in what was the
land of the ancient Ammonites. The seal impression reveals only two marks
(traits) of an individual, so it is not quite firm. See Larry G. Herr, “The
Servant of Baalis,” Biblical Archaeologist 48 (1985): pp. 169–172; WSS,
p. 322 no. 860; COS, p. 201; IBP, p. 242 no. (77); “Sixteen
Strong,” p. 52. The differences between the king’s name in this seal impression
and the biblical version can be understood as slightly different renderings of
the same name in different dialects; see bibliography in Michael O’Connor, “The
Ammonite Onomasticon: Semantic Problems,” Andrews University Seminary Studies
25 (1987): p. 62 paragraph (3), supplemented by Lawrence T. Geraty, “Back to
Egypt: An Illustration of How an Archaeological Find May Illumine a Biblical
Passage,” Reformed Review 47 (1994): p. 222; Emile Puech,
“L’inscription de la statue d’Amman et la paleographie ammonite,” Revue
biblique 92 (1985): pp. 5–24.
NORTHERN ARABIA
Geshem
(= Gashmu) the Arabian, r. mid-5th century, Nehemiah 2:10,
etc., in an Aramaic inscription on a silver bowl discovered at Tell
el-Maskhuta, Egypt, in the eastern delta of the Nile, that mentions “Qainu, son
of Geshem [or Gashmu], king of Qedar,” an ancient kingdom in northwest Arabia.
This bowl is now in the Brooklyn Museum. See Isaac Rabinowitz, “Aramaic
Inscriptions of the Fifth Century B.C.E. from a North-Arab Shrine in Egypt,” Journal
of the Near Eastern Studies 15 (1956): pp. 1–9, Pl. 6–7; William J.
Dumbrell, “The Tell el-Maskhuta Bowls and the ‘Kingdom’ of Qedar in the Persian
Period,” BASOR 203 (October 1971): pp. 35–44; OROT,
pp. 74–75, 518 n. 26; Raging Torrent, p. 55.
Despite thorough analyses of the Qainu bowl and its correspondences pointing to
the biblical Geshem, there is at least one other viable candidate for
identification with the biblical Geshem: Gashm or Jasm, son of Shahr, of Dedan.
On him, see Frederick V. Winnett and William L. Reed, Ancient
Records from North Arabia (University of Toronto Press, 1970), pp.
115–117; OROT, pp. 75. 518 n. 26. Thus the existence of two
viable candidates would seem to render the case for each not quite firm (COS,
vol. 2, p. 176).
SOUTHERN KINGDOM OF JUDAH
Shebna,
the overseer of the palace, fl. ca. 726–697/696, Isaiah
22:15–19 (probably also the scribe of 2 Kings 18:18, etc., before being
promoted to palace overseer), in an inscription at the entrance to a rock-cut
tomb in Silwan, near Jerusalem. There are only two marks (traits) of an
individual, and these do not include his complete name, so this identification,
though tempting, is not quite firm. See Nahman Avigad, “Epitaph of a Royal
Steward from Siloam Village,” IEJ 3 (1953): pp. 137–152; David
Ussishkin, The Village of Silwan (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration
Society, 1993), pp. 247–250; IBP, pp. 223, 225; “Sixteen
Strong,” pp. 51–52.
Azzur of Gibeon,
father of Hananiah,
fl. early 6th century, Jeremiah 28:1, etc., in seven inscribed jar handles from
6th-century Gibeon, only one of which is complete. These reveal only two marks
(traits) of an individual. See James B. Pritchard, Hebrew Inscriptions and Stamps
from Gibeon, Museum Monographs (Philadelphia: The University
Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 1959, whose dating of the inscribed jar
handles was criticized by several scholars, including Nahman Avigad, “Some
Notes on the Hebrew Inscriptions from Gibeon (Review-article),” IEJ
9 (1959): pp. 130–133, and Frank Moore Cross, Jr., “”Epigraphical Notes on
Hebrew Manuscripts of the Eighth–Sixth Centuries B.C., III. The Inscribed Jar
Handles from Gibeon,” BASOR 168 (December 1962): pp.
18–23. A summary of that discussion is in Ephraim Stern, Material
Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period, 538–332 B.C.
(Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, and Warminster, Wiltshire, England:
1982), pp. 52–53. The not-quite-firm grade of the identification is correctly
gauged in IBP, p. 234.
Gedaliah the
governor, son of Ahikam,
fl. ca. 585, 2 Kings 25:22, etc., in the bulla from Tell ed-Duweir (ancient
Lachish) that reads, “Belonging to Gedalyahu, the overseer of the palace.” The
Babylonian practice was to appoint indigenous governors over conquered
populations. It is safe to assume that as conquerors of Jerusalem in 586
B.C.E., they would have chosen the highest-ranking Judahite perceived as
“pro-Babylonian” to be their governor over Judah. The palace overseer had great
authority and knowledge of the inner workings of government at the highest
level, sometimes serving as vice-regent for the king; see S. H. Hooke, “A
Scarab and Sealing From Tell Duweir,” Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement
67 (1935): pp. 195–197; J. L. Starkey, “Lachish as Illustrating Bible History,”
Palestine
Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement 69 (1937): pp. 171–174; some
publications listed in WSS, p. 172 no. 405. The palace
overseer at the time of the Babylonian conquest, whose bulla we have, would be
the most likely choice for governor, if they saw him as pro-Babylonian.
Of the two prime candidates named Gedaliah (= Gedalyahu)—assuming both survived
the conquest—Gedaliah the son of Pashhur clearly did not have the title “overseer
of the palace” (Jeremiah 38:1), and he was clearly an enemy of the Babylonians
(Jeremiah 38:4–6). But, though we lack irrefutable evidence, Gedaliah the son
of Ahikam is quite likely to have been palace overseer. His prestigious family,
the descendants of Shaphan, had been “key players” in crucial situations at the
highest levels of the government of Judah for three generations. As for his
being perceived as pro-Babylonian, his father Ahikam had protected the prophet
Jeremiah (Jeremiah 26:24; cf. 39:11–14), who urged surrender to the Babylonian
army (Jeremiah 38:1–3).
The preceding argument that
Gedaliah the son of Ahikam was the much more likely Babylonian choice for
governor is a strengthening step beyond “Corrections,” pp. 103–104, which
upgrades the strength of the identification from its original level in IBP,
p. 235, responding to the difficulty expressed in Oded Lipschits, The Fall
and Rise of Jerusalem: Judah under Babylonian Rule (Winona Lake,
Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2005), p. 86 n. 186.
Jaazaniah (=
Jezaniah), fl. early 6th century, 2 Kings
25:23, etc., in the Tell en-Naṣbeh (ancient Mizpah) stone seal inscribed: “Belonging to Ya’azanyahu, the king’s minister.” It is unclear whether the title “king’s minister” in the seal might have some relationship with the
biblical phrase “the officers (Hebrew: sarîm) of the troops,” which
included the biblical Jaazaniah (2 Kings 25: 23). There are, then, only two
identifying marks of an individual that clearly connect the seal’s Jaazaniah
with the biblical one: the seal owner’s name and the fact that it was
discovered at the city where the biblical “Jaazaniah, the son of the
Maacathite,” died. See William F. Badè, “The Seal of Jaazaniah,” Zeitschrift
für die alttestamentlishe Wissenschaft 51 (1933): pp. 150–156; WSS,
p. 52 no. 8; IBP, p. 235; “Sixteen Strong,” p. 52.
ANEHST Mark W. Chavalas, ed., The
Ancient Near East: Historical Sources in Translation (Blackwell
Sources in Ancient History; Victoria, Australia: Blackwell, 2006).
ABC
A. Kirk Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Winona Lake, Ind.:
Eisenbrauns, 2000).
ANET
James B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old
Testament, 3rd ed. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 1969).
B.C.E.
before the common era, used as an equivalent to B.C.
BASOR
Bulletin
of the American Schools of Oriental Research
c.
century (all are B.C.E.)
ca.
circa, a Latin word meaning “around”
cf.
compare
CAH
John Boardman et al., eds., The Cambridge Ancient History (2nd
ed.; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1970).
“Corrections”
Lawrence J. Mykytiuk, “Corrections and Updates to ‘Identifying Biblical Persons
in Northwest Semitic Inscriptions of 1200–539 B.C.E.,” Maarav
16 (2009), pp. 49–132, free online at http://docs.lib.purdue.edu/lib_research/129/.
COS
William W. Hallo and K. Lawson Younger, eds., The Context of Scripture,
vol. 2: Archival Documents from the Biblical World (Boston:
Brill, 2000).
Dearman, Studies J. Andrew Dearman, ed., Studies in the
Mesha Inscription and Moab (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989).
esp.
especially
fl.
flourished
IBP
Lawrence J. Mykytiuk, Identifying Biblical Persons in Northwest
Semitic Inscriptions of 1200–539 B.C.E. (Atlanta: Society of
Biblical Literature, 2004). This book is a revised Ph.D. dissertation in Hebrew
and Semitic Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1998, which began with a
1992 graduate seminar paper. Most of IBP is available on the Google
Books web site: https://www.google.com/search?tbo=p&tbm=bks&q=mykytiuk+identifying&num=10
ibid.
(Latin) “the same thing,” meaning the same publication as the one mentioned
immediately before
idem
(Latin) “the same one(s),” meaning “the same person or persons,” used for
referring to the author(s) mentioned immediately before.
IEJ
Israel
Exploration Journal
ITP Hayim
Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III, King of Assyria
(Fontes ad Res Judaicas Spectantes; Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and
Humanities, 2nd 2007 printing with addenda et corrigenda, 1994).
n.
note (a footnote or endnote)
no.
number (of an item, usually on a page)
OROT
Kenneth A. Kitchen, On the Reliability of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids,
Mich.: Eerdmans, 2003).
P&B
Edwin M. Yamauchi, Persia and the Bible (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker, 1990).
Pl.
plate(s) (a page of photos or drawings in a scholarly publication, normally
unnumbered,)
r.
reigned
Raging
Torrent Mordechai Cogan, The Raging Torrent:
Historical Inscriptions from Assyria and Babylonia Relating to Ancient Israel
(A Carta Handbook; Jerusalem: Carta, 2008).
RlA
Reallexikon
der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie (New York,
Berlin: de Gruyter, ©1932, 1971).
RIMA
a series of books: The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Assyrian Periods
RIMA
3 A. Kirk Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium
BC, II (858–745 BC) (RIMA, no. 3; Buffalo, N.Y.: University of
Toronto Press, 1996).
“Sixteen”
Lawrence J. Mykytiuk, “Sixteen Strong Identifications of Biblical Persons (Plus
Nine Other Identifications) in Authentic Northwest Semitic Inscriptions from
before 539 B.C.E.,” pp. 35–58 in Meir Lubetski and Edith Lubetski, eds., New
Inscriptions and Seals Relating to the Biblical World (Atlanta:
Society of Biblical Literature, 2012), free online at http://docs.lib.purdue.edu/lib_research/150/.
Third
Kenneth A. Kitchen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100–650 B.C.)
(2nd rev. ed. with supplement; Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, 1986).
WSS
Nahman Avigad and Benjamin Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp
Seals (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities,
Israel Exploration Society, and The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, The
Institute of Archaeology, 1997).
This table uses Kitchen’s dates for
rulers of Egypt, Pitard’s for kings of Damascus (with some differences),
Galil’s for monarchs of Judah and for those of the northern kingdom of Israel,
Grayson’s for Neo-Assyrian kings, Wiseman’s for Neo-Babylonian kings and
Briant’s, if given, for Persian kings and for the Persian province of Yehud.
Other dates follow traditional high biblical chronology, rather than the low
chronology proposed by Israel Finkelstein.
References
Kenneth A. Kitchen, The Third
Intermediate Period in Egypt (1100–650 B.C.) (2nd rev. ed. with
supplement; Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, 1986), pp. 466–468.
Wayne T. Pitard, Ancient
Damascus: A Historical Study of the Syrian City-State from Earliest Times until
its Fall to the Assyrians in 732 B.C.E. (Winona Lake, Ind.:
Eisenbrauns, 1987), pp. 138–144, 189.
Gershon Galil, The Chronology
of the Kings of Israel and Judah (SHCANE 9; New York: Brill, 1996),
p. 147.
A. Kirk Grayson, Assyrian
Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC, II (858–745 BC) (RIMA 3;
Buffalo, N.Y.: University of Toronto Press, 1996), p. vii; idem, “Assyria:
Ashur-dan II to Ashur-nirari V (934–745 B.C.),” in CAH, vol. III,
part I, pp. 238–281; idem, “Assyria: Tiglath-pileser III to Sargon II (744–705
B.C.),” in CAH, vol. III, part II, pp. 71–102; idem, “Assyria:
Sennacherib and Esarhaddon (704–669 B.C.),” in CAH, vol. III,
part II, pp. 103–141; idem, “Assyria 668–635 B.C.: The Reign of Ashurbanipal,”
in CAH,
vol. III, part II, pp. 142–161.
Donald J. Wiseman, “Babylonia
605–539 B.C.” in CAH, vol. III, part II, pp. 229–251.
Pierre Briant, From
Cyrus to Alexander : A History of the Persian Empire (Winona Lake,
Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2002), “Index of Personal Names,” pp. 1149–1160.
No comments:
Post a Comment