26
May. 1662 Book of Common
Prayer. Augustin, Archbishop.
Wiki’s version with some interesting book recommendations at the end.
Augustine of Canterbury (circa first third of the 6th
century – probably 26 May 604) was a Benedictine monk who became the first Archbishop
of Canterbury in the year 597. He is considered the "Apostle to
the English" and a founder of the English Church.[3]
King Æthelberht converted to
Christianity and allowed the missionaries to preach freely, giving them land to
found a monastery outside the city walls. Augustine was consecrated as a bishop and converted many of the
king's subjects, including thousands during a mass baptism on Christmas Day in 597. Pope
Gregory sent more missionaries in 601, along with encouraging letters and gifts
for the churches, although attempts to persuade the native Celtic bishops to submit to
Augustine's authority failed. Roman bishops were established at London and
Rochester in 604, and a school was founded to train Anglo-Saxon priests and
missionaries. Augustine also arranged the consecration of his successor, Laurence
of Canterbury. The archbishop probably died in 604 and was soon
revered as a saint.
Contents
Background
to the mission
After the withdrawal of the Roman legions from their province of Britannia in 410, the inhabitants
were left to defend themselves against the attacks of the Saxons. Before the Roman
withdrawal Britannia had been converted to Christianity and produced the ascetic Pelagius.[4][5] Britain sent three
bishops to the Council of Arles in 314, and a Gaulish
bishop went to the island in 396 to help settle disciplinary matters.[6] Material remains
testify to a growing presence of Christians, at least until around 360.[7] After the Roman
legions departed, pagan tribes settled the southern parts of the island while
western Britain, beyond the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, remained Christian. This
native British Church developed in isolation from Rome under the influence of missionaries from
Ireland[4][5] and was centred on
monasteries instead of bishoprics. Other distinguishing characteristics were
its calculation of the date of Easter and the style of the tonsure haircut that clerics
wore.[5][8] Evidence for the
survival of Christianity in the eastern part of Britain during this time
includes the survival of the cult of Saint Alban and the occurrence
in place names of eccles, derived from the Latin ecclesia,
meaning "church".[9] There is no
evidence that these native Christians tried to convert the Anglo-Saxons.[10][11] The invasions
destroyed most remnants of Roman civilisation in the areas held by the Saxons
and related tribes, including the economic and religious structures .[12]
It was against this background that
Pope Gregory I decided to send a mission, often called the Gregorian mission,
to convert the Anglo-Saxons to Christianity in 595.[13][14] The Kingdom of
Kent was ruled by Æthelberht, who married a Christian princess named Bertha
before 588,[15] and perhaps
earlier than 560.[16] Bertha was the
daughter of Charibert I, one of the Merovingian kings of the Franks. As one of the conditions
of her marriage, she brought a bishop named Liudhard with her to Kent.[17] Together in
Canterbury, they restored a church that dated to Roman times[18]—possibly the
current St
Martin's Church. Æthelberht was a pagan at this point
but allowed his wife freedom of worship. One biographer of Bertha states that
under his wife's influence, Æthelberht asked Pope Gregory to send missionaries.[17] The historian Ian
Wood feels that the initiative came from the Kentish court as well as the
queen.[19] Other historians,
however, believe that Gregory initiated the mission, although the exact reasons
remain unclear. Bede, an 8th-century monk who
wrote a history of the English church, recorded a famous story in which Gregory
saw fair-haired Saxon slaves from Britain in the Roman slave market and was
inspired to try to convert their people.[b][21] More practical
matters, such as the acquisition of new provinces acknowledging the primacy of
the papacy, and a desire to influence the emerging power of the Kentish kingdom
under Æthelberht, were probably involved.[18] The mission may
have been an outgrowth of the missionary efforts against the Lombards who, as pagans and Arian Christians, were not on
good relations with the Catholic church in Rome.[22]
Aside from Æthelberht's granting of
freedom of worship to his wife, the choice of Kent was probably dictated by a
number of other factors. Kent was the dominant power in southeastern Britain.
Since the eclipse of King Ceawlin of Wessex
in 592, Æthelberht was the leading Anglo-Saxon ruler; Bede refers to Æthelberht
as having imperium
(overlordship) south of the River Humber.
Trade between the Franks and Æthelberht's kingdom was well established, and the
language barrier between the two regions was apparently only a minor obstacle, as the
interpreters for the mission came from the Franks. Lastly, Kent's proximity to
the Franks allowed support from a Christian area.[23] There is some
evidence, including Gregory's letters to Frankish kings in support of the
mission, that some of the Franks felt that they had a claim to overlordship
over some of the southern British kingdoms at this time. The presence of a
Frankish bishop could also have lent credence to claims of overlordship, if
Bertha's Bishop Liudhard was felt to be acting as a representative of the
Frankish church and not merely as a spiritual advisor to the queen. Frankish
influence was not merely political; archaeological remains attest to a cultural
influence as well.[24]
In 595, Gregory chose Augustine, who
was the prior of the Abbey
of St Andrew's in Rome, to head the mission to Kent.[13] The pope selected
monks to accompany Augustine and sought support from the Frankish royalty and
clergy in a series of letters, of which some copies survive in Rome. He wrote
to King Theuderic II
of Burgundy and to King Theudebert II
of Austrasia, as well as their
grandmother Brunhild, seeking aid for the mission. Gregory thanked King Chlothar II of Neustria for aiding Augustine.
Besides hospitality, the Frankish bishops and kings provided interpreters and
Frankish priests to accompany the mission.[25] By soliciting help
from the Frankish kings and bishops, Gregory helped to assure a friendly
reception for Augustine in Kent, as Æthelbert was unlikely to mistreat a
mission which visibly had the support of his wife's relatives and people.[26] Moreover, the
Franks appreciated the chance to participate in mission that would extend their
influence in Kent. Chlothar, in particular, needed a friendly realm across the
Channel to help guard his kingdom's flanks against his fellow Frankish kings.[27]
Sources make no mention of why Pope
Gregory chose a monk to head the mission. Pope Gregory once wrote to Æthelberht
complimenting Augustine's knowledge of the Bible, so Augustine was
evidently well educated. Other qualifications included administrative ability,
for Gregory was the abbot of St Andrews as well as being pope, which left the
day-to-day running of the abbey to Augustine, the prior.[28]
Arrival
and first efforts
Map
of the general outlines of some of the British kingdoms about 600
Augustine was accompanied by Laurence
of Canterbury, his eventual successor to the archbishopric, and a group of
about 40 companions, some of whom were monks.[15] Soon after leaving
Rome, the missionaries halted, daunted by the nature of the task before them.
They sent Augustine back to Rome to request papal permission to return. Gregory
refused and sent Augustine back with letters encouraging the missionaries to
persevere.[29] In 597, Augustine
and his companions landed in Kent.[15] They achieved some
initial success soon after their arrival:[22][28] Æthelberht
permitted the missionaries to settle and preach in his capital of Canterbury
where they used the church of St Martin's for services.[30] Neither Bede nor
Gregory mentions the date of Æthelberht's conversion,[31] but it probably
took place in 597.[30][c] In the early medieval period,
large-scale conversions required the ruler's conversion first, and Augustine is
recorded as making large numbers of converts within a year of his arrival in
Kent.[30] Also, by 601,
Gregory was writing to both Æthelberht and Bertha, calling the king his son and
referring to his baptism.[d] A late medieval tradition,
recorded by the 15th-century chronicler Thomas Elmham, gives the date of
the king's conversion as Whit Sunday,
or 2 June 597; there is no reason to doubt this date, although there is no
other evidence for it.[30] Against a date in
597 is a letter of Gregory's to Patriarch Eulogius
of Alexandria in June 598, which mentions the number of converts made
by Augustine, but does not mention any baptism of the king. However, it is
clear that by 601 the king had been converted.[32] His baptism likely
took place at Canterbury.[33]
Augustine established his episcopal see at Canterbury.[22] It is not clear
when and where Augustine was consecrated as a bishop. Bede, writing about a
century later, states that Augustine was consecrated by the Frankish Archbishop
Ætherius of Arles after the conversion of
Æthelberht. Contemporary letters from Pope Gregory, however, refer to Augustine
as a bishop before he arrived in England. A letter of Gregory's from September
597 calls Augustine a bishop, and one dated ten months later says Augustine had
been consecrated on Gregory's command by bishops of the German lands.[34] The historian R.
A. Markus discusses the various theories of when and where Augustine was
consecrated, and suggests he was consecrated before arriving in England, but
argues the evidence does not permit deciding exactly where this took place.[35]
Soon after his arrival, Augustine
founded the monastery
of Saints Peter
and Paul, which later became St Augustine's Abbey,[22] on land donated by
the king.[36] This foundation
has often been claimed as the first Benedictine abbey outside Italy, and that
by founding it, Augustine introduced the Rule of St. Benedict into England, but there is no evidence the abbey followed the Benedictine
Rule at the time of its foundation.[37] In a letter
Gregory wrote to the patriarch
of Alexandria in 598, he claimed that more than 10,000 Christians had
been baptised; the number may be exaggerated but there is no reason to doubt
that a mass conversion took place.[15][28] However, there
were probably some Christians already in Kent before Augustine arrived,
remnants of the Christians who lived in Britain in the later Roman Empire.[11] Little literary
traces remain of them, however.[38] One other effect
of the king's conversion by Augustine's mission was that the Frankish influence
on the southern kingdoms of Britain was decreased.[39]
After these conversions, Augustine
sent Laurence back to Rome with a report of his success, along with questions
about the mission.[40] Bede records the
letter and Gregory's replies in chapter 27 of his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum; this section of the History is usually known as the Libellus
responsionum.[41][42] Augustine asked
for Gregory's advice on a number of issues, including how to organise the
church, the punishment for church robbers, guidance on who was allowed to marry
whom, and the consecration of bishops. Other topics were relations between the churches
of Britain and Gaul, childbirth and baptism, and when it was lawful for people
to receive communion and for a priest to celebrate mass.[42]
Further missionaries were sent from
Rome in 601. They brought a pallium for Augustine and a
present of sacred vessels, vestments, relics, and books.[e] The pallium was
the symbol of metropolitan status, and signified that Augustine was now an archbishop unambiguously
associated with the Holy See. Along with the pallium, a letter from Gregory
directed the new archbishop to ordain 12 suffragan bishops
as soon as possible and to send a bishop to York. Gregory's plan was that
there would be two metropolitans, one at York and one at London, with 12 suffragan
bishops under each archbishop. As part of this plan, Augustine was expected to
transfer his archiepiscopal see to London from Canterbury. The move from Canterbury
to London never happened; no contemporary sources give the reason,[47] but it was
probably because London was not part of Æthelberht's domains. Instead, London
was part of the kingdom of Essex, ruled by Æthelberht's nephew Saebert of Essex,
who converted to Christianity in 604.[18][48] The historian S.
Brechter has suggested that the metropolitan see was indeed moved to London,
and that it was only with the abandonment of London as a see after the death of
Æthelberht that Canterbury became the archiepiscopal see. This theory
contradicts Bede's version of events, however.[49]
Additional
work
In 604, Augustine founded two more
bishoprics in Britain. Two men who had come to Britain with him in 601 were
consecrated, Mellitus
as Bishop of London and Justus as Bishop of Rochester.[18][50][51] Bede relates that
Augustine, with the help of the king, "recovered" a church built by
Roman Christians in Canterbury.[52][f] It is not clear if
Bede meant that Augustine rebuilt the church or that Augustine merely
reconsecrated a building that had been used for pagan worship. Archaeological
evidence seems to support the latter interpretation; in 1973 the remains of an
aisled building dating from the Romano-British period were uncovered
just south of the present Canterbury Cathedral.[52] The historian Ian
Wood argues that the existence of the Libellus points to more contact
between Augustine and the native Christians because the topics covered in the
work are not restricted to conversion from paganism, but also dealt with
relations between differing styles of Christianity.[55]
Augustine failed to extend his
authority to the Christians in Wales and Dumnonia to the west. Gregory had
decreed that these Christians should submit to Augustine and that their bishops
should obey him,[56] apparently
believing that more of the Roman governmental and ecclesiastical organisation
survived in Britain than was actually the case.[57] According to the
narrative of Bede, the Britons in these regions viewed Augustine with
uncertainty, and their suspicion was compounded by a diplomatic misjudgement on
Augustine's part.[58] In 603, Augustine
and Æthelberht summoned the British bishops to a meeting south of the Severn.
These guests retired early to confer with their people,[59] who, according to
Bede, advised them to judge Augustine based upon the respect he displayed at
their next meeting. When Augustine failed to rise from his seat on the entrance
of the British bishops,[60] they refused to
recognise him as their archbishop.[59][61] There were,
however, deep differences between Augustine and the British church that perhaps
played a more significant role in preventing an agreement. At issue were the
tonsure, the observance of Easter, and practical and deep-rooted differences in
approach to asceticism, missionary endeavours, and how the church itself was
organised.[58] Some historians
believe that Augustine had no real understanding of the history and traditions
of the British church, damaging his relations with their bishops.[61] Also, there were
political dimensions involved, as Augustine's efforts were sponsored by the
Kentish king, and at this period the Wessex and Mercian kingdoms were expanding
to the west, into areas held by the Britons.[62]
Further
success
Easier to implement were Rome's
mandates concerning pagan temples and celebrations. Temples were to be
consecrated for Christian use,[63] and feasts, if
possible, moved to days celebrating Christian martyrs. One religious site was
revealed to be a shrine of a local St Sixtus, whose worshippers were unaware of
details of the martyr's life or death. They may have been native Christians,
but Augustine did not treat them as such. When Gregory was informed, he told
Augustine to stop the cult and use the shrine for the Roman St Sixtus.[64]
Gregory legislated on the behaviour of
the laity and the clergy. He placed the new mission directly under papal
authority and made it clear that English bishops would have no authority over
Frankish counterparts nor vice versa. Other directives dealt with the training
of native clergy and the missionaries' conduct.[65]
The
King's School, Canterbury claims Augustine as its
founder, which would make it the world's oldest existing school, but the first
documentary records of the school date from the 16th century.[66] Augustine did
establish a school, and soon after his death Canterbury was able to send
teachers out to support the East Anglian mission.[67] Augustine received
liturgical books from the pope, but their exact contents are unknown. They may have been
some of the new mass books that were being written at this time. The exact liturgy
that Augustine introduced to England remains unknown, but it would have been a
form of the Latin language liturgy in use
at Rome.[68]
Death
and legacy
Augustine's
gravesite at Canterbury
Before his death, Augustine
consecrated Laurence as his successor to the archbishopric, probably to ensure
an orderly transfer of office.[69] Although at the
time of Augustine's death, 26 May 604,[22] the mission barely
extended beyond Kent, his undertaking introduced a more active missionary style
into the British Isles. Despite the earlier presence of Christians in Ireland
and Wales, no efforts had been made to try to convert the Saxon invaders.
Augustine was sent to convert the descendants of those invaders, and eventually
became the decisive influence in Christianity in the British Isles.[58][70] Much of his
success came about because of Augustine's close relationship with Æthelberht,
which gave the archbishop time to establish himself.[71] Augustine's
example also influenced the great missionary efforts of the Anglo-Saxon Church.[72][73]
Augustine's body was originally buried
in the portico of what is now St Augustine's, Canterbury,[36] but it was later
exhumed and placed in a tomb within the abbey church, which became a place of
pilgrimage and veneration. After the Norman
Conquest the cult of St Augustine was actively promoted.[22] After the
Conquest, his shrine
in St Augustine's Abbey held a central position in one of the axial chapels,
flanked by the shrines of his successors Laurence and Mellitus.[74] King Henry I of England granted St. Augustine's Abbey a six-day fair around the date on which
Augustine's relics were translated to his new shrine, from 8 September through 13 September.[75]
A life of Augustine was written by Goscelin around 1090, but this
life portrays Augustine in a different light than Bede's account. Goscelin's
account has little new historical content, mainly being filled with miracles
and imagined speeches.[76] Building on this
account, later medieval writers continued to add new miracles and stories to Augustine's
life, often quite fanciful.[77] These authors
included William of Malmesbury, who claimed that Augustine founded Cerne Abbey,[78] the author
(generally believed to be John Brompton) of a late
medieval chronicle containing invented letters from Augustine,[79] and a number of
medieval writers who included Augustine in their romances.[80] Another problem
with investigating Augustine's saintly cult is the confusion resulting because
most medieval liturgical documents mentioning Augustine do not distinguish
between Augustine of Canterbury and Augustine of Hippo, a fourth-century saint. Medieval Scandinavian liturgies feature Augustine
of Canterbury quite often, however.[81] During the English Reformation, Augustine's shrine was destroyed and his relics were lost.
See also
Notes
Jump up ^ The name is in the halo, in a later hand. The figure is
identified as a saint, rather than Christ, by his clerical tonsure.[1] The view that it represents Gregory is set out by Douglas Michaels in a
recent article.[2]
Jump up ^ Supposedly Gregory inquired about who the slaves were. He
was told they were Angles from the island of Great Britain. Gregory replied
that they were not Angles, but Angels.[20]
Jump up ^ However, Bede's chronology may be a bit off, as he gives
the king's death as occurring in February 616, and says the king died 21 years
after his conversion, which would date the conversion to 595. This would be
before Augustine's mission, and directly contradicts Bede's statement that the
king's conversion was due to Augustine's mission.[16] However, as Gregory in his letter of 601 to the king and queen strongly
implies that the queen was unable to effect the conversion of her husband, the
problem of the dating is likely a chronological error on Bede's part.[32]
Jump up ^ The letter, as translated in Brooks' Early History of
the Church of Canterbury, p. 8, says "preserve the grace he had
received". Grace in this context meant the grace of baptism.
Jump up ^ What happened to these items in later years is unknown. Thomas Elmham, a 15th-century chronicler at Canterbury, gave a number of theories of how
most of these objects were lost, including being hidden and never recovered
during the Danish attacks in the 9th and 10th centuries, hidden and lost after the Norman Conquest of England in 1066, or used for the ransom of King Richard I of England in the 1190s.[43] The surviving St Augustine Gospels, (Corpus Christi College, Cambridge manuscript (MS) 286) which is a 6th-century Italian-illuminated Gospel Book, may be one of the works sent to Augustine. Traditionally, it has been
associated with the Gregorian mission.[44] Another possible survivor is a copy of the Rule of St Benedict, now MS Oxford Bodleian Hatton 48.[45] Yet another possible survival is a Gospel, in an Italian hand, and closely
related to the Augustine Gospels, now MS Oxford Bodelian Auctarium D.2.14,
which shows evidence of being held in Anglo-Saxon hands during the right time
frame. Lastly, a fragment of a work by Gregory the Great, now held by the British Library as part of MS Cotton Titus C may have arrived with the missionaries.[46]
Jump up ^ The actual Latin is from Chapter 33, Book 1 of Bede, and
an online version is here. The sentence in question is "AT Augustinus, ubi in regia ciuitate
sedem episcopalem, ut praediximus, accepit, recuperauit in ea, regio fultus
adminiculo, ecclesiam, quam inibi antiquo Romanorum fidelium opere factam
fuisse didicerat, et eam in nomine sancti Saluatoris Dei et Domini nostri Iesu
Christi sacrauit, atque ibidem sibi habitationem statuit et cunctis
successoribus suis."[53] The Latin word recuperauit could be translated either
"repaired" or "recovered". Sherley-Price translates the
sentence as "Having been granted his episcopal see in the royal capital,
as already recorded, Augustine proceeded with the king's help to repair a
church he was informed had been built long ago by Roman Christians."[54]
Citations
Jump up ^ Schapiro "Decoration of the Leningrad Manuscript of
Bede" Selected Papers: Volume 3 pp. 199; 212–214
-
Jump up ^ Delaney Dictionary of Saints pp. 67–68
-
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Jump up ^ Frend "Roman Britain" Cross Goes North
pp. 80–81
Jump up ^ Frend "Roman Britain" Cross Goes North
pp. 82–86
Jump up ^ Yorke Conversion of Britain pp. 115–118 discusses
the issue of the "Celtic Church" and what exactly it was.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Jump up ^ Bede History of the English Church and People pp.
99–100
Jump up ^ Mayr-Harting The Coming of Christianity pp. 57–59
-
Jump up ^ Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury
pp. 6–7
-
Jump up ^ Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury
pp. 4–5
Jump up ^ Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury p.
6
-
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Jump up ^ Blair An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England pp.
116–117
-
-
-
-
Jump up ^ Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury p.
5
Jump up ^ Markus "Chronology of the Gregorian Mission" Journal
of Ecclesiastical History pp. 24–29
-
Jump up ^ Lawrence Medieval Monasticism p. 55
Jump up ^ Frend "Roman Britain" Cross Goes North p.
79
-
-
Jump up ^ Lapidge "Laurentius" Blackwell Enclyclopaedia
of Anglo-Saxon England
-
-
Jump up ^ Dodwell Anglo-Saxon Art pp. 96 and 276 footnote 66
Jump up ^ Colgrave "Introduction" Earliest Life of
Gregory the Great pp. 27–28
Jump up ^ Lapidge Anglo-Saxon Library pp. 24–25
Jump up ^ Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury
pp. 9–11
Jump up ^ Fletcher The Barbarian Conversion p. 453
Jump up ^ Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury
pp. 11–14
Jump up ^ Hayward "St Justus" Blackwell Encyclopaedia
of Anglo-Saxon England pp. 267–268
Jump up ^ Lapidge "St Mellitus" Blackwell Encyclopaedia
of Anglo-Saxon England pp. 305–306
^ Jump up to: a b Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury p.
50
-
Jump up ^ Bede History of the English Church and People p. 91
Jump up ^ Wood "Augustine and Aidan" L'Église et la
Mission p. 170
Jump up ^ Mayr-Harting Coming of Christianity pp. 70–72
-
-
-
Jump up ^ Bede History of the English Church and People pp.
100–103
-
-
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Jump up ^ Blair Church in Anglo-Saxon Society p. 24
Jump up ^ Stenton Anglo-Saxon England pp. 107–108
-
Jump up ^ Brooks Early History of the Church of Canterbury
pp. 94–95
Jump up ^ Mayr-Harting Coming of Christianity pp. 173–174
Jump up ^ Hindley Brief History of the Anglo-Saxons p. 43
Jump up ^ Collins Early Medieval Europe p. 185
Jump up ^ Mayr-Harting Coming of Christianity p. 249
Jump up ^ Mayr-Harting Coming of Christianity pp. 265–266
-
-
-
Jump up ^ Gameson and Gameson "From Augustine to Parker" Anglo-Saxons
pp. 17–20
Jump up ^ Gameson and Gameson "From Augustine to Parker" Anglo-Saxons
p. 19
Jump up ^ Gameson and Gameson "From Augustine to Parker" Anglo-Saxons
p. 20
Jump up ^ Gameson and Gameson "From Augustine to Parker" Anglo-Saxons
p. 24
Jump up ^ Gameson and Gameson "From Augustine to Parker" Anglo-Saxons
pp. 22–31
Jump up ^ Blair "Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Saints" Local
Saints and Local Churches p. 513
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Janet L. (2004). "Bertha (b. c.565, d. in or after
601)" ((subscription or UK public library
membership required)). Oxford
Dictionary of National Biography (May 2006 revised ed.). Oxford
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(1998). Cathedral Shrines of Medieval England. Woodbridge, UK:
Boydell Press. ISBN 978-0-85115-540-1.
- Schapiro, Meyer (1980).
"The Decoration of the Leningrad Manuscript of Bede". Selected
Papers: Volume 3: Late Antique, Early Christian and Mediaeval Art.
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89 (1): 23–28. doi:10.1080/0015587X.1978.9716085. JSTOR 1260091.
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England (Third ed.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-280139-5.
- Thomson, John A.
F. (1998). The Western Church in the Middle Ages. London: Arnold. ISBN 978-0-340-60118-1.
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(2000). "Augustine and Aidan: Bureaucrat and Charismatic?". In
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- Yorke, Barbara (2006). The
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Further
reading
- Chaplais, P.
(1965–1969). "Who introduced charters into England? The case for
Augustine". Journal of the Society of Archivists 3
(10): 526–542. doi:10.1080/00379816509513917.
- Sharpe, R.
(1995). "The setting to St Augustine's translation, 1091". In R.
Eales and R. Sharpe. Canterbury and the Norman conquest.
pp. 1–13.
External
links
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