Reformed Churchmen

We are Confessional Calvinists and a Prayer Book Church-people. In 2012, we remembered the 350th anniversary of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer; also, we remembered the 450th anniversary of John Jewel's sober, scholarly, and Reformed "An Apology of the Church of England." In 2013, we remembered the publication of the "Heidelberg Catechism" and the influence of Reformed theologians in England, including Heinrich Bullinger's Decades. For 2014: Tyndale's NT translation. For 2015, John Roger, Rowland Taylor and Bishop John Hooper's martyrdom, burned at the stakes. Books of the month. December 2014: Alan Jacob's "Book of Common Prayer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Book-Common-Prayer-Biography-Religious/dp/0691154813/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1417814005&sr=8-1&keywords=jacobs+book+of+common+prayer. January 2015: A.F. Pollard's "Thomas Cranmer and the English Reformation: 1489-1556" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-English-Reformation-1489-1556/dp/1592448658/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1420055574&sr=8-1&keywords=A.F.+Pollard+Cranmer. February 2015: Jaspar Ridley's "Thomas Cranmer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-Jasper-Ridley/dp/0198212879/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1422892154&sr=8-1&keywords=jasper+ridley+cranmer&pebp=1422892151110&peasin=198212879

Tuesday, December 3, 2013

Prof. Daniell's "Bible in English:" Wyclif & Devils in Canterbury and Rome

Daniell, David. The Bible in English: Its History and Influence. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003.


 http://www.amazon.com/The-Bible-English-History-Influence/dp/0300099304/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1385668294&sr=8-1&keywords=david+daniell+english+bible

Chapter 5: The “Wycliff (`Lollard’) Bibles, pages 66f. We would recommend a better title, but Yale Press wouldn't like it. Rather, "Wyclif & the Evil Antichrists in Canterbury and Rome," but let us proceed.

Thus far, we’ve looked at the era “before printing.” It staggers the mind: manual, slow, tedious, and loving efforts of Bible transmission. We briefly looked at Anglo-Saxon “glossing” or “translating” of the Latin Bible, or, the Bible in Britain from the earliest times to AD 850. (It also sounds like Andy has uncovered Aelfric's Anglo-Saxon sermons. More as that develops.) It’s time to follow Mr. Daniell’s discussion of the Wycliff (“Lollard”) Bibles, pages 66ff.

Introduction.

Something “new and mysterious” was afoot in the 1380s (66).

1. First, there was a "complete Bible," en toto and unvarnished by legends, saints’ lives, and other historical fancies. The Bible was written on vellum so as to last. These were the earliest “complete Bibles” in English, not “part-Bibles.” They were often copied and intensively used until Tyndale’s 1526 version and Coverdale’s complete Bible in 1535.

2. They appeared in large numbers. 20 manuscripts of the whole Bible come from the 1380s, 90 of the OT from the 1380, and a total of 250 manuscripts (thereafter) survived the ruthless persecution of Lollards and the burning of their books. This number--250--stacks up as four times larger than Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales at 64 manuscripts. It was being read in the 15th century: in 1430, Nicolas Belward of Earsham, Norfolk, bought a Wycliffite NT in London. Relatedly, we will leave open the tantalizing idea that Tyndale had a copy as he did his work on the Continent; some scholars have noted many similarities of terms and phrases.

3. There is nothing in the manuscripts to identify the authors (=copiers) or places of origin. As we’ll see, inferably, this was to avoid the ruthless persecutions from the Devil in Canterbury, Thomas Arundel, and the Antichrist in Rome.

4. These were copied despite “violent opposition.” We’ll belabor this point some. Here are a few English mouthpieces of the Devil. First, a quote from Thomas Arundel of Canterbury in a letter to another devil in Rome, Pope John XXIII:

“This pestilent and wretched John Wycliff, of cursed memory, that son of the old serpent…endeavoured by means to attack the very faith and sacred doctrine of the Holy Church, devising—to fill up the measure of malice—the expedient of a new translation of the Scripture into the mother tongue” (67).

A few notes on this comment: (1) Wycliff had assailed a number of Roman doctrines, (2) Wycliff was widely known in England, France, Belgium, Bohemia and Rome—he lived during the wretched Avignon Papacy where, to use Macaulay’s phrase, “two wicked priests [=Popes] were reviling each other,” (3) transubstantiation was one pillar supporting sacerdotal supremacy, (4) hefty church endowments and wealth was attacked by Wyclif, (5) the translation of Scriptures is called an “expedient” and (6) the “mother tongue” of the Bible was being reviled by this Devil in Canterbury. Oh yeah, the hissing serpent in Canterbury was calling Wyclif a "son of the serpent."

We bring another quote from Henry Knighton’s Chronicle, written after Devil Arundel wrote:

“The Master John Wyclif translated from Latin into English—the Angle not the angel speech—the Gospel that Christ gave to the doctors and clergy of the Church…so that by his means it has become vulgar and more open to lay men and women who can read than it usually is to quite learned clergy of good intelligence. And so the pearl of the Gospel is scattered abroad and trodden underfoot by swine” (67).

This summarizes the English and Italian church’s hatred, vehemence and determination to keep the English (=Middle English) Bible from the rank-and-file Churchmen throughout the land of 1000s of churches. These are not minor points.

Quibble as one might with a translation as Rome might, and as one must in scholarly translations, then produce a better one and get it before the Churchmen, but no, Rome wasn’t about doing that. To tap dance about "translations," then produce none for the people, amounts to obfuscation.

It was, rather, a book for the “doctors and clergy” not the vulgar laity and “swine.” An ME Bible was “vulgar.” All the swine needed was the “hearing the Latin services without understanding had sacramental value” (68). The Bible, to the Antichrist, was good “only when it was not understood, read, taught, pondered or received.”

Au contraire to English and Roman policy, Wyclif disagreed, in keeping with Anglo-Saxon glossers, and so did his followers. Jan Huss who had visited Wyclif at Oxford noted, “By the English it is said that Wyclif translated the whole Bible from Latin into English” (69). The collision course between Christ and Anti-christ ensued. (Elizabeth 1’s reign solidified the place of the English Bible. Thereafter, Rome was toast. Little could Wyclif have forecasted the globalization of the English tongue.  Little could Tyndale either as he sat in an unlit and dank prison for 16 months before his death.  England was a tiny nation really, 58,000 square miles, the size of North Carolina.  Wyclif, Tyndale, Cranmer and other gave the English Bible to the West.)

After Wyclif and before Tyndale, the vehemence in the English church was notable, if not singularly so compared to other nations, for over 130-plus years from 1401.

In 1401, the Act of De Haeretico Comburdendo decreed burning not just for reading but possessing a vernacular Bible, even a portion of it. More on this later; the fight for the English Bible would continue into the 1530s-1550s in England in high Romanist dudgeons, chest-thumpings, and imperialistic triumphalisms.

In the ninth century, the Slav Bible was denounced by the Pope. In 1199, Pope Innocent III condemned Waldensians themselves, their vernacular Bibles in particular and anyone owning or reading them; ruthless persecution by the Inquisitors and demonic dragoons railed in southern Europe. In 1538, Pope Paul, as if he were Christ the Head of the Church, commanded the burning of the English Bibles.

In 1844, to be a little more modern, Pope Gregory XVI condemned the Bible in the vernacular. Possessing a vernacular Bible was heresy.

In 1864, Pope "Pee-on-us" (Pius) IX, in his anti-democratic rant of his Syllabus of Errors, would condemn Bible societies and vernacular Bibles. Oh we how forget!

Vatican 2, ending in AD 1965, permitting vernacular Bibles, was a significant change of rudder orders for Rome. That's nearly a 600-year denial of the vernacular Bible for the Churchmen, church services and for daily use in homes and groups. (We'll say more later on vernacular versions on the Continent...they existed...but England from 1401 to the 1530s was uniquely hostile to vernacular Bibles thanks to Wyclif and his merry band.)

Even after Wycliff died, 31 Dec 1384, English demons were railing against him decades later...well into the 1530s. We bring a few brief notes on Wyclif.

Wycliff Himself.

Born AD 1324.
Fellow at Merton College, Oxford.
AD 1361—Master of Balliol College, Oxford.
AD 1372—the doctorate of theology was conferred on him by Oxford.
AD 1374—he served as a Chaplain to King Edward III.
He attacked the fashionable nominalism of Occam and Duns Scotus.

Anthony Kenny remarked:

“…if Wyclif was the Morning Star of the Reformation, he was also the Evening Star of Scholasticism…[that] synthesis of Christian and Aristotelian ideas which is perhaps the greatest intellectual legacy of the Middle Ages. Wyclif was the last of the great Oxford schoolmen…; those who were interested in his kind of philosophy disowned him as a heretic, and those who hailed him as a forerunner regarded scholastic philosophy as one of the corruptions from which the Reformation offered liberation” (70).

Wyclif’s hefty corpus, Summa de ente, as alleged by Mr. Daniell, still resides in Bohemian archives and Rome, allegedly, has refused to publish the entire corpus.

As for Hussites, we suspect there are “trial transcripts” too that have never seen the light of day; we would like more information on that score. Especially the trial transcripts for Huss. (I've read a number of them for the English Reformers burned by Mary and her Devils...ugly!) Copies of Wycliffite writings were made by Czech or Bohemian students…copies by Hussite students of Wyclif and documents which were confiscated in Bohemia.

The background to the above shenanigans was the Avignon Papal Schism when “two worthless priests [= Popes] were cursing each other…” (citing Macaulay, 70). Actually, there were three poopers. When the schism broke out--1 worthless Poop in Rome and 1 worthless Poop in Avignon, France--Wyclif was working on On Truth of Sacred Scripture.  In this he anticipated Erasmus’ later call for widespread vernacular Bibles throughout the Catholic Churches—Churchwide. That wouldn’t happen until 1965 with growing popularization of vernacular Scriptures in Romish conventicles. England and America, on the other hand, have enjoyed and been nourished by the Bible widely since the 1550s. From 1380s to 1965, nearly 600 years, the Devils in Rome got some 'splainin' ta' do.

In 1374, a living [ = endowment] was conferred on Wyclif of the Lutterworth parish. There were growing challenges to the confiscatory wealth and holdings of the “worthless priests.” For Wyclif, where did this find expression in the NT? There were growing challenges to simony and nepotistic appointments.

His studies led him to claim there was no biblical basis for the church’s vast “feudal powers” (71). (Charles V would later hem Pope Clement into the Castel San Angelo—in 1527ish—1000 feet up the street from St. Peter's--and Charles V would claim that it was “God’s judgment” and that the Pope’s sins were the results of his vast feudatories, his love of money, claims and more…Charles V in 1527ish sounds like Wyclif in the 1380s.)

In 1377, Wyclif was summoned to London’s St. Paul’s by the bishop to answer heresy charges but princely support shielded him.

He also had been attacking “prayers to saints” [= sound familiar, Anglo-Tracto-heads, you Roman parasites? Greeks? Romanists?], meritorious pilgrimages, simony, and transubstantiation.

The latter point was just unforgiveable and undercut priestly supremacy—those making Christ-cakes, Christ-wafers, and becoming Christ-creators, to use Thomas Roger’s s quaint but very serviceable terms and summaries for Ubiquitarians.

Historian Anthony Kenny writes:

“It was not Wyclif’s assault on the Papacy which led to his final breach with the teaching authority of the Church. It was when he turned to the sacrament of the Eucharist, and attacked the theologians’ explanation of its nature, that he began to stand out in clear view as a heretic. When he denounced the Popes and questioned the validity of Papal claims he could find sympathizers even among the higher clergy; when he called for the disendowment of the Church, many laymen and begging friars found his word congenial; but when he renounced the doctrine of transubstantiation, friars, noblemen, and bishops all turned against him, and the university which had sheltered him offered him home no longer” (72).

The same battle would send Mr. (Canterbury) Cranmer and hundreds of other English Churchmen to the flames under Queen Mary.

The Council of Trent (1545—1563), reaffirmed more recently by Mr. (Pope) Carol Wotjyla (JP2) and Joe Ratzinger (B16), anathematized millions of truly Catholic (=non-Romanist) Churchmen since then. They now call us "separated brethren."

By summer of 1382, a sermon would be preached in Oxford University denouncing the by-then-retired Wyclif, laboring away in Lutterworth. Tucked away quietly at Lutterworth and, allegedly with no more university-influence, between 1380 and 1384, Wyclif produced 57 Latin works. He died of a stroke on 31 Dec 1384, having suffered it days earlier after divine worship. He fell ill in the vestry. He was taken to his residence where he died 31 Dec. The light was shining and the darkness comprehended it not. Notably, he had many, many followers.

The Council of Constance would burn Jan Huss in 1415. This obsessive-compulsive disorder over Wyclif would be revealed by condemning the now-dead Wyclif with a follow-on of exhumation and burning his resting bones. This indicates Wyclif’s influence, Rome’s fear of him, his doctrines and Bibles, and their abhorrence. He came to his own, but his own received him not, notably in London, Oxford and Canterbury.  But, Wyclif was widely known outside and inside England.

Wyclif’s Poor Preachers.

In 1382, while Wyclif was still alive, several followers were at work in the diocese of Winchester: Nicolas Hereford, John Aston, Robert Arlington, Laurence Bednon and others. 20th century revisers have attempted to disconnect Wyclif from Lollardy, but reviews of the episcopal documents from Worcester and Bath & Wells, for example, reveal the extensive influence of Wycliffite followers. More work is needed.  "Distrust all, investigate and verify" we say. For example, there are two 1000-page documents entitled Florentum  and Resarium Theologae--these are full of Wycliffite theological notes with references to the source: “D.E.” [= “Doctor Evangelicus” = code for Wyclif]. These were theological handbooks of Wyclif’s thoughts. It suggests seriousness of thought, diligence of inquiry, and willingness to write voluminously.

Here we must return to the infamous ecclesiastical and state (English Parliament) instruments of repression, the famous Act of 1401, De Haeretico Comburendo. It must have been serious if legislation resulted. Lollardy had spread from Oxford more widely, even after Wyclif’s death in 1384. By 1407, 23 years after his death, that Devil in Canterbury, Thomas Arundel, convened a Provincial Synod at Oxford in order to control the issue, preachers, books and the universities.

By 1409, Devil-Canterbury Arundel ratified the provincial council of 1407 at St. Paul’s in London. A number of Constitutions were ordered up. Here’s article 7.  It was forbidden:

“…to translate any text of Holy Scripture into the English or any other language by way of a book, pamphlet, or tract, and that no book, pamphlet, or tract of this kind be read, either recently composed at the time of the said Wyclif, or since then, or that in the future may be composed, in part or in whole, publicly or privately, under the pain of greater excommunication…”

A few self-evident notes: (1) No translation activity of any kind, in part or the whole, (2) Wyclif gets special mention 25 years after his death—or, his Bible and works were still spreading and needed the Devil’s strong check, (3) there were no translations by the Devil’s leaders in Oxford and Canterbury until Tyndale in the 1520s—and we know what happened to him, and (4) The 1401 Act, the ruling of the Provincial Council at Oxford and the 1409 Constitutions would constitute the legal authority for searches, warrants, trials, book burnings, and people-burnings. The upshot: NO VERNACULAR BIBLES for the churches, period.

2 years later, 17 March 1411, 267 heresies were imputed to Wycliff (by now, dead 27 years) and a bonfire at Oxford was ordered up in the presence university officials including the Oxford's Chancellor. In January, 1413, more of Wyclif’s works were burned at St. Paul’s London (75-76).

Lollardy between 1384 and 1413 was a clear and present danger to the Devil. One hostile commentator noted: “A man could not meet two people on the road, but one of them was a disciple of Wyclif.” High on the list amongst other views was this single fact: “possession of a vernacular Bible.” If you had that, you were a heretic.

Two other factors of suspicion: interest in English education, or education in theology in the vernacular, and owning theological books in English.

What was really frightening, however, was the Lollard’s two-fold objective (among others): (1) dis-endow the church and (2) create 15 new universities with that money (76). Imagine that!


The general picture until the 1960s has been that Lollards were an incoherent, inchoate, and eccentric band of illiterates and rhubarbs. Or, that Lollardy was economically driven rather than theologically driven.

The larger imputation often made is that the future Tyndales, Barnes, Friths, Roys and others were not driven by English impulses but were “entirely Continental” in force (76). Well, ya’ sorta think? The 1401 Act of De Haeretico Comburendo, the 1407 Provincial Council at Oxford, and the 1409 Constitutions directed the vehemence against a native English movement to recover the Bible. Throw in the devil’s scowls at the continental Council of Constance (1414-1418), book burnings, and more. Tyndale and others were forced to flee vehement English policy in church and state.
As for modern English interpreters, can anyone hear the lingering anti-Calvinism and anti-Lutheranism in these 19th-20th century types?

Then, throw in Council of Constance, 1414-1418, held to resolve the “three-popes-problems, mutual recriminations, mutual confusions in “apostolic succession,” Conciliarism v. Papal supremacy (resolved at Vatican 1 in 1870) and lastly, old Wyclif and Jan Huss. Wyclif was the real culprit and got special mention in the opening session and in session 8—4 May 1415.

As for Huss, "This holy synod of Constance, seeing that God's church has nothing more that it can do, relinquishes Jan Hus to the judgment of the secular authority and decrees that he is to be relinquished to the secular court." (Session 15—6 July 1415). As the laws required and as the Devil knew would happen, the secular court sentenced him to the stake. Huss was burned—roastee-crispy old boy.

The hatred and vehemence for Wyclif persisted in Italian and Canterburian policy. In 1428, at the command of Pope Martin V, Wyclif’s body, resting in the grave until the resurrection, was exhumed and burned. Can ya’ feel the love of the Devil?

The greatest achievement of the Lollards? The (ME) English and their books, many of which were destroyed and burned. What is starting to emerge, academically, is that Lollardy was not a band of rhubarbs, mechanics, tinkerers, half-whacks, nutjobs and backwoodsmen, but was a “massive, careful, complex and developing achievement” (90).

A lingering question is open here: did Tyndale in the 1520s and 1530s have a Wycliffite version with him? There are some strong similarities.

Thanksgivings for Calvin Seminary's PhD Program

http://dedeo.org/journal/miscellaneous/giving-thanks-calvin-seminarys-phd-program/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+InThyLight+%28de+Deo%29

Giving Thanks for Calvin Seminary’s PhD Program


On 9 October 2013 Calvin Seminary celebrated the twentieth year of its esteemed PhD program. The celebration’s program included Dr. James De Jong’s brief retrospective on the original vision for the PhD program and how it was established. Prof. Richard Muller delivered the plenary address, “Reflections on Two Decades of the Ph.D. Program,” after which his former students and colleagues presented him a surprise, massive festschrift overflowing with no less than 55 contributions: Church and School in Early Modern Protestantism: Studies in Honor of Richard A. Muller on the Maturation of a Theological Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 2013).
After watching the presentations I am even more grateful to the Lord for granting me—no doubt the least of the cadre of scholarly sojourners seeking the office of doctor with which to serve the church—a place in this program at this time in its existence and with these teachers.


I
t is clear from the presentations that that the program was designed with specific ends in mind: to attract students from all over the world, to maintain a high academic standard with an emphasis on research and writing, and to specialize in Reformed catholic theology. And it is also clear that, twenty years into the program, a legacy of attaining the desired ends has been established—no doubt due to the two decades of hard work and wise leadership of the program’s leaders, Professors Feenstra and Muller, coupled with full support from the first-class faculty and library. There is much here for which God may be glorified for his abundant mercy and grace upon the program and upon its leaders.

The results of the program speak for themselves—literally!

Her graduates are teachers, writers, professors, and institutional leaders in stations all over the globe. Even in the minute back corner of Christ’s garden in which he has planted me, the NAPARC world, the influence of CTS PhDs looms large both in numbers of teachers taking up stations in NAPARC seminaries and in the ever-growing body of top-tier publications, especially in the field of Reformed historical theology, flowing from the pens of CTS PhD’s.
To give a handful of cases in point (cf. the archive of downloadable CTS dissertations):
As one who is halfway through the program and who has hit no small amount of speed bumps along the way (even some large ones such as “The Awful German Language,” as Mark Twain put it) I can testify to the program’s rigor. This is even more true following the transition from the trimester system to the semester system according to which students now write three twenty-five-page papers each term. But more importantly I can testify to the program’s wisdom. Though the means are painful (let me tell you, three papers per term for four terms plus course reading, assistant teaching, foreign languages, etc., was no walk in the park either for me or my family), the ends are starting to come into view.

I am different now than when I started the program three years ago. I care about bigger (catholic) issues. I am owning up to my own background with its limitations and prejudices. I’m learning, albeit ever so slowly, to read different languages (and hence to outgrow my monolingual, Anglophone narrowness), and I am learning to read differently (critically) in my own language. I write differently—with concrete aims and genre-appropriate methods. I teach differently—focusing on primary sources and fostering critical thinking. In these ways I see the program beginning to bear fruits in my life, and for that I give thanks to God.

While I stare down the still long, windy way to the PhD marathon’s finish line, it is an encouragement to be reminded along the way not only that the sowing in tears is designed to yield harvests of joy in due time but also that over the past two decades the Lord God has manifestly blessed this program with exceptional teachers whose living epistles are blessing Christ’s bride all over the world.


KRISTEN POWERS: A liberal's journey to Evangelical Christianity


Monday, December 2, 2013

Televangelist Paul Crouch Leaves a Dirty Legacy; Evangelical Christians Look the Other Way

http://www.patheos.com/blogs/friendlyatheist/2013/12/02/televangelist-swindler-paul-crouch-leaves-a-dirty-legacy-evangelical-christians-look-the-other-way/

Televangelist Paul Crouch Leaves a Dirty Legacy; Evangelical Christians Look the Other Way

[Note: Hemant and I both felt inspired to write a little remembrance of Paul Crouch. Here's his.]
Paul Crouch died of heart failure on Saturday, at 79. Forty years ago, he founded the Trinity Broadcasting Network, now the country’s most successful religious TV enterprise. In a good year, TBN takes in close to $100,000,000 in tax-exempt donations, mostly from lower-income Americans.

If you’re not familiar with Crouch and his wife Janice, they are the Jim and Tammy Faye that time forgot.

Paul and Jan Crouch
Here‘s a little flavor:
Janice Crouch, called “Mama” on the air, is known for her pink-tinged wigs, which look like huge swirls of cotton candy, and for talking emotionally about the Lord’s blessings. Mr. Crouch, or “Papa,” is relentlessly upbeat as he quotes flurries of Bible verses on signature programs like “Praise the Lord.”
The New York Times published an exposĂ© of the Crouches’ financial tricks last year. It tells you volumes about how the darling duo spent all that revenue from donations, TV rights, and investments.

For instance:
The [couple's] lavish perquisites, described by [estranged granddaughter and former financial officer Brittany] Koper and corroborated by interviews with two other former TBN employees, include additional, often-vacant homes in Texas and on the former Conway Twitty estate in Tennessee, corporate jets valued at $8 million and $49 million each and thousand-dollar dinners with fine wines, paid with tax-exempt funds.
Plus:
Last year [in 2011], officials in Orange County, Fla., turned down TBN’s application to register [the Crouches'] adjacent lakefront houses as parsonages, saying they served no religious purpose, The Orlando Sentinel reported. The designation would have resulted in religious exemptions and saved TBN roughly $50,000 in taxes a year.
And:
[F]ormer TBN employees also said that dozens of staff members, including Ms. Koper, chauffeurs, sound engineers and others had been ordained as ministers by TBN. This, she said, allowed the network to avoid paying Social Security taxes on their salaries and made it easier to justify providing family members with rent-free houses, sometimes called “parsonages.”
From Wikipedia:
Crouch family members control the boards of all TBN entities, which makes TBN “ineligible to join” the Evangelical Council for Financial Accountability, an evangelical self-regulating group.
Why would working-class Christians give so much money to a pair of greedy preachers who live high on the hog? One answer is that
On the air, Mr. and Mrs. Crouch tell viewers that they have almost no personal assets.
Which is technically true, as the assets in question, such as homes and private planes, are provided by TBN, whose board is stacked with family members. (Also, thousand-dollar dinners, and a separate luxury hotel room for Janice Crouch’s beloved Maltese lapdogs, do not count as assets.)

Courtesy of the L.A. Times, here’s another episode that St. Peter might be quizzing Pastor Crouch about right now.
In 1989, in the wake of the [Jim and Tammy Faye] Bakker scandal, the National Religious Broadcasters, a voluntary association, investigated complaints that TBN had violated ethical standards. One of the complaints came from Marvin L. Martin, a former producer of “Praise the Lord,” who said he had been fired after questioning the Crouches’ financial practices and moral fitness.

He specifically complained that at a TBN staff prayer meeting Crouch asked God to kill a man who had petitioned the Federal Communications Commission to take over the network’s flagship station in Orange County. Crouch responded that he “probably did pray that God would kill anyone or anything that was attempting to destroy the ministry.” He offered no apology and said his prayer “has not changed.”
Steve Strang, the founder and publisher of Charisma News, was one of the few in the evangelical Christian world who was willing to say moderately critical things of the Crouches, including that they sometimes embarrassed his tribe:
Though they aren’t answerable to us, they are answerable to the Christian public who donate the millions, just as public companies must be accountable to their shareholders. In some ways the Crouches know this. They gush over how they love their TBN partners. They talk about the “little grandmas” who send in their love gift every month. But what about those who feel some things on TBN make a laughing stock of all charismatics and Pentecostals? Or that with some of the questionable programming they are spreading confusion around the world at the same time they’re spreading the gospel?
Of course, that was back in March. Charisma Newscurrent remembrance of Crouch mentions not a syllable about the galling ostentatiousness of his lifestyle, nor of the barely-legal thievery and the financial scandals that he engaged in especially in the last decade of his life.
As legacies go, Crouch undoubtedly leaves a troubling one — but don’t expect most other Christians to call him on it. Per the Christian Post,
“‏We celebrate Dr. Paul Crouch’s good & faithful work on earth. May we all leave such a legacy for the Kingdom,” wrote Creflo Dollar, founder and senior pastor of World Changers Church International, on Twitter.
Crouch’s televangelist colleague Benny Hinn also weighed in:
“On this day of his glorious home-going, please reflect upon the tremendous impact of this man’s extraordinary life,” reads a tweet by Pastor Hinn from Benny Hinn Ministries.
Then it was preacher Arthur Blessitt‘s turn:
“Let’s all pray for his wife Jan and all the family. His focus was always +jesus. Tears pour from my eyes,” he continued. “I’ll miss my friend but there is joy in heaven where millions of people are thanking him for sharing Jesus with them.”
If a man with Crouch’s record goes to heaven, I actually prefer the down escalator, so I may avoid him and his ilk for all eternity.

(2 Dec/News Roundup): TBN's Paul Crouch Dead at 79

Full coverage

Paul Crouch dies at 79; founder of the Trinity Broadcasting Network

Washington Post - ‎1 hour ago‎
In the mid-1970s, a vision came to Paul Crouch, but it wasn't what a man of the cloth might have expected. A map of North America appeared on his ceiling, glowing with pencil-thin beams of light that shot in every direction. “Lord,” asked Mr. Crouch, ...

Prosperity gospel televangelist Paul Crouch dead at 79

Salt Lake Tribune - ‎1 hour ago‎
Paul Crouch, the religious broadcaster who co-founded Trinity Broadcasting Network and was known for his prosperity gospel messages and lavish lifestyle, died Saturday. He was 79. His death was announced on the network's website. Tweet. Photos.

Founder of Trinity Broadcasting network, Paul Crouch dies

Catholic Online - ‎4 hours ago‎
In a world where the church is now planning greater outreach to the poor, televangelist Paul Crouch now appears to be a relic of a bygone age. The founder of the world's largest evangelical TV network, Trinity Broadcasting Network, Crouch was known for his ...

Trinity Broadcasting Network Founder Paul Crouch Dead at 79

Michronicleonline - ‎3 hours ago‎
With that communication there was enclosed to me a personal word from Dr. Paul Crouch himself, shortly before his passing, which I will forever cherish and keep very close to my heart. Out of respect for Lady Jan, and the entire Crouch family, I withheld any ...

Evangelical Christians Accused of Overlooking Paul Crouch's Bad Deeds

Christian Post (blog) - ‎5 hours ago‎
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Mr. (Rev. Dr. Prof.) Gerald Bray: "Bishops, Presbyters & Women"

http://www.virtueonline.org/portal/modules/news/article.php?storyid=18297#.Up02Aowo5jo

BISHOPS, PRESBYTERS AND WOMENby Gerald Brayhttp://www.theologian.org.uk/church/bishops_presbyters_women.html
November 2013

Introduction

'It is evident unto all men diligently reading Holy Scripture and ancient authors, that from the apostles' time there have been these orders of ministers in Christ's church; bishops, priests and deacons.' Thus begins the preface to the ordinal of the Church of England, which still remains one of its fundamental formularies and thus, by extension, one of the defining documents of the Anglican Communion.

When Archbishop Thomas Cranmer wrote those words in 1549, he was not being particularly controversial. It is true that some protestant churches in Germany and Switzerland had abandoned the historic episcopate, but this had as much to do with the peculiar nature of bishops in the Holy Roman Empire as it did with underlying ecclesiological principles. In Geneva for example, the city had been governed by its bishop, and no reformation of any kind would have been possible there unless and until he were removed. Feelings against episcopacy were largely political, and only later did they acquire theological justification. John Calvin was not against episcopacy in England, and is said to have recommended it as the best form of church government for Poland.

Even John Knox (contrary to what many people think) did not do away with episcopacy completely. Scottish bishops continued to exist, albeit in a restricted role, until 1638 when episcopacy was abolished in Scotland - again, largely for political reasons. Presbyterian arguments against it were grounded in personal experience of the abuses to which that form of church government had been put, although by then there were many who argued that the Anglican type of bishop was not to be found in the New Testament church. Nobody doubted that bishops had existed in the second century, and some were prepared to concede that their office might be of apostolic origin, but whatever might be said about that, the issue in dispute was whether bishops were prescribed by the New Testament as a necessary ingredient of church government or not.

On that point, Calvin and those who followed him argued that episcopacy was not an indispensable part (the so-called esse) of the church, and it should be noted that the language of the preface to Cranmer's Ordinal is worded in such a way that it can be regarded as supporting that view. Cranmer's defence of the threefold order of ministry is rooted in history rather than in theology. His appeal to Scripture focuses not on any form of 'apostolic succession' but on the high moral and spiritual standards which are required of ministers at all levels. The Biblical injunctions outline the character required of all ordained people, whatever special function they might be expected to perform, recognizing that the latter are directly dependent on the former.

As far as the three distinct orders were concerned, Cranmer clearly believed that they could be found in Scripture, and he therefore saw no reason to modify the status quo in the Church of England, but he made no effort to support this belief from the Biblical text. Later generations of Anglicans, beginning with Richard Bancroft (d. 1610), found themselves embroiled in controversy with presbyterians and independents, and out of that they developed a 'divine right' theory of episcopacy, according to which the Anglican bishop as he existed in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries was prescribed by Scripture itself. That view came to be characteristic of 'episcopalianism' (which, perhaps not surprisingly, was defended mainly by bishops.) and later became a staple of High Church and Anglo-Catholic ecclesiology, but it has remained a point of contention within the Anglican Communion, many of whose members were open to formal relationships and even reunion with non-episcopal churches, on the basis of the mutual recognition of ministries.

Modern Scholarship

Cranmer's somewhat cautious appeal to history has allowed his approach to survive more recent critical study, which has generally rejected the Roman Catholic (and to some extent also Orthodox and Anglo-Catholic) theory of a direct apostolic succession of bishops. It is not without interest that the pioneer of this historical revisionism is generally recognised to have been an Anglican bishop, J. B. Lightfoot. His commentary on Philippians contains a lengthy dissertation entitled 'The Christian ministry' in which he developed his belief that there was no essential difference in the New Testament church between the episcopate and the presbyterate.»1

So well-argued was Lightfoot's position that it has now become the standard view, embraced by almost all scholarly opinion, even in the Roman Catholic church. It is perhaps worth pointing out that Lightfoot did not regard the terms episkopos and presbyteros as entirely synonymous. He believed that the second of these had been taken over from the synagogue and was used especially to refer to the leaders of Jewish-Christian congregations, whereas episkopos was an equivalent term used mainly (if not exclusively) among the Gentiles. According to Lightfoot, the difference was one of flavour and reference, rather than one of substance, i.e., what we would now call an early example of 'cultural contextualisation'.

Lightfoot's analysis has been developed in a number of different ways, but the Jewish-Gentile distinction has usually been regarded as fundamental. The nature of this distinction was originally defined by Friedrich Christian Baur and the so-called 'TĂĽbingen school' of the early nineteenth century. The basic premise of this school was that the earliest churches were communities of the free Spirit, which only later were disciplined into a rigid order which we call 'catholicism'. This evolution was supposed to have taken place over time and was not complete until the third century, although signs of it can be traced to the New Testament, notably in Luke-Acts and in the Pastoral Epistles. The result of this theory was that these books were regarded as later in date than either Matthew-Mark or the 'genuine' Pauline epistles, where the more developed church structure is apparently absent.

The TĂĽbingen theory has undergone a number of significant modifications in the past 150 years, of which the most noticeable has been the growing belief that Jewish Christianity was legalistic (and therefore more like 'early catholicism'), whereas the first gentile churches were the domain of the free Spirit, supposedly so beloved of the 'genuine' Apostle Paul. In those churches there was apparently neither dogma nor hierarchy, and women enjoyed substantial equality with men. But as primitive freedom gave way to 'early catholicism', dogma, hierarchy and the 'oppression' of women assumed their historically central places in church life.

That this reconstruction of the early church is largely a fantasy was demonstrated by English scholars like H. E. W. Turner (The pattern of Christian truth) and J. N. D. Kelly (Early Christian creeds; Early Christian doctrines). It was not accepted by Lightfoot, although his observations were enlisted in its support, and there has been a steady stream of English-speaking Biblical scholars (Sir William Ramsay, J. N. D. Kelly, J. A. T. Robinson, Donald Guthrie, F. F. Bruce, Ward Gasque) who have shown that the TĂĽbingen claims, particularly with respect to the 'genuine' Paul, the authorship of the Pastoral Epistles, and the historical accuracy of Luke-Acts, cannot stand up to serious examination. Nevertheless, the ideological appeal of the TĂĽbingen approach has been such that this tradition of conservative scholarship has been ignored by the mainstream to such an extent that many writers now assume without argument that there are only seven or eight Pauline epistles which can be regarded as authentic - and one of the evidences for this 'authenticity' is that there is virtually no trace of dogma or hierarchy in them.

Another twist to the original TĂĽbingen position has been the increasing tendency to give weight to gnostic and other non-canonical sources which were traditionally regarded as 'heretical'. In fact, the very concept of 'heresy' has come to be understood as a late development (see Walter Bauer, Orthodoxy and heresy in earliest Christianity), which has opened the door towards accepting the evidence of gnostic and other extra-Biblical texts as valid authorities for the teaching and practice of the first Christians. This is of particular importance for the discussion about the role of women in the church, since much of the evidence cited for this comes from sources such as these. Once again, the validity of this approach has been systematically refuted by some of the scholars named above (notably by Turner and Kelly), but they have been largely ignored by the dominant consensus.

Presbyters and Bishops

It is important that we understand this, since otherwise the modern discussion makes no sense. To return to Lightfoot's analysis of the similarities and distinctions between presbyteroi and episkopoi, it has sometimes been argued that the presbyteroi represented the legalistic inheritance of Jewish Christianity whereas the episkopoi moved in the 'Pauline' freedom of the Spirit. Others have claimed that the episkopoi were originally house church leaders who developed into more authoritative figures, and eventually merged with the presbyteroi, as part of the 'catholic' takeover. Recently, Alastair Campbell, a Baptist minister, has claimed that the Pastoral Epistles were written shortly after the Apostle Paul's death to justify the newly emerging office of the monarchical episkopos, who claimed authority over the many presbyteroi in any given local church.»2

Campbell's argument is based mainly on the fact that the word presbyteroi appears in the plural, whereas the word episkopos is always singular, even though the contexts in which the terms are used would suggest that episkopos is just a generic term meaning 'the typical, or standard presbyteros' and not the designation of a distinct (let alone a newly-emerging) ecclesiastical order (a possibility which Campbell recognises but rejects).

The difficulty with all these theories is that words like episkopos, presbyteros and even apostolos (not to mention diakonos) have a range of meanings in the New Testament whose general drift is clear enough but which cannot be tied down to formal designations of particular offices. If we are to have any hope of understanding ministry in the New Testament churches, what we have to look for is pattern of leadership, expressed in but not exclusively defined by the individual words used to describe it.»3 What we need to ask is whether there is any sign that the early church congregations had individual leaders who presided over a college of ministers, whatever name(s) may have been used to describe them?

The question is complicated because we also have to take account of the apostles, who acted in concert with each other, but who also exercised individual leadership over the congregations which they founded or which had been entrusted to them. In the case of Rome, it appears that Paul was able to exercise the function of oversight even though he had neither founded the church nor ever visited it. But the ministry of the apostles was unique and did not extend to a second generation. During their lifetimes, and in their writings, we must expect to find some 'underdevelopment' in the organisation of local churches, since leadership in them was of secondary importance as long as there were roving authorities who could be appealed to in cases of dispute. This is particularly obvious in the case of the Pauline churches, but similar things can also be found elsewhere, as for example, in the seven churches of Asia mentioned in Revelation 2-3.

What really matters is why things developed they way they did after the apostles died. Granted that a monarchical episcopate was well-established (at least in the core churches of the eastern Mediterranean) by the time of Ignatius of Antioch (c. 107-117), was this something which the apostles themselves had desired and initiated, or did it come about without their express approval and possibly even against what they would have wished?

It is generally agreed that the Pastoral Epistles present Timothy and Titus in a role analogous to that of the later bishop, although there are certain differences and there is some doubt as to whether their assignments were temporary or permanent.»4 Did Titus merely visit Crete to put things in order, or did he go there to reside permanently as the overseer of the Cretan congregations? And of course, we cannot escape the question of the authorship of the Pastorals, since the denial of their claims to Pauline origin entails a denial of the apostolic origin of Timothy's and Titus' episcopal ministry.

It has to be said that this is often a circular argument, since much of the impetus for assigning the Pastorals to a post-apostolic date comes from the perception that the ecclesiology which they describe is substantially more 'developed' in the direction of 'early catholicism' than that which is found in the so-called 'authentic' Pauline epistles. There is every reason to agree with those who say that the Pastorals represent a kind of halfway house between the first apostolic missions and the more settled episcopacy of later times, but if the pastorals were written by Paul, this transition was initiated by the apostles themselves as a means of preserving something of their ministry in the later church.

There can then be no grounds for denying its authenticity, and consequently its authoritative place in the life of the church ever since. Part of the argument against this, of course, is that Paul made considerable use of women in his mission, and therefore they must have occupied leadership roles in the church. As things tightened up and became more structured ('after Paul's death' goes without saying) the role of women declined accordingly and soon vanished altogether.»5 Modern defenders of a 'gender-inclusive' ministry therefore have a vested interest in seeing the Pastoral Epistles as a deviation from the apostolic norm, even if that deviation was generally acquiesced in at the time.»6

This is a very tempting line of thought for those who advocate the unrestricted admission of women to all three orders of the modern ministry, but it is based on assumptions which cannot be substantiated from the texts. It is true that women feature prominently in the Pauline epistles, but nowhere is there any evidence that they were episkopoi. No woman is ever called either an episkopos or a presbyteros (only a diakonos), and the one instance where a woman may have been called an apostolos, apart from being unclear, merely raises the question of what forms of ministry the word apostolos might have included in that context.»7

Probably the true answer is that women in the early church enjoyed the same freedoms and opportunities as they did in contemporary Graeco-Roman (and especially in Jewish) society. As long as the church was based in private homes, it is not surprising to find women mentioned so prominently, since the home was their domain. But none of that means that women were given positions of authority alongside men - and certainly not above them. Such a move would have been revolutionary in the ancient world, and if it had occurred in the first Christian congregations, there would surely have been some mention of it.»8 On the other side, it is quite clear that women were not included in the presbyterate known to Timothy and Titus, where the qualifications of an elder refer exclusively to males.

Evidence from the immediate post-apostolic period is relatively scarce, but what there is only supports the view that the situation recorded in the Pastoral Epistles must have been in existence well within the lifetime of at least some of the apostles. Clement of Rome, for example, wrote to the Corinthian church about AD 96 (when the Apostle John may still have been living):

Preaching through countries and cities, the apostles appointed the first-fruits of their labours to be bishops and deacons of those who would believe afterwards. However, they first tested them by the Spirit.»9

If Clement had been wrong about this, there would certainly have been many people in Corinth who could have put him right, and he would have known that. He then goes on to add:

Our apostles also knew, through our Lord Jesus Christ, that there would be strife on account of the office of oversight. For this reason therefore, inasmuch as they had obtained a perfect foreknowledge of this, they appointed those already mentioned. Afterwards, they gave instructions that when those men should fall asleep, other approved men should succeed them in their ministry. We are of opinion therefore, that those appointed by the apostles, or afterwards by other eminent men, with the consent of the whole church, and who have blamelessly served the flock of Christ in a humble, peaceable and disinterested spirit, and have for a long time possessed the good opinion of all, cannot be justly dismissed from the ministry.»10

This passage is extremely revealing, because it shows us how the bishops were appointed. Names would be put forward by the existing elders of the church, and then the approval of the whole congregation would be sought. Once that was obtained, the newly appointed bishop would have tenure of office as long as his life matched the exacting criteria set out in Titus 2. Nevertheless, it is also clear that not everyone in the church was prepared to accept this arrangement, and that there was pressure from at least parts of the church to dismiss bishops - though for what reason(s) we are not told. Perhaps it was simply a matter of factionalism, or party politics, in which different groups felt that it was 'time for a change' and that everyone should have a turn.»11 There is certainly no suggestion either of immoral conduct or of heresy - quite the reverse.

Writing somewhat later, Ignatius of Antioch (c. 107-117) is the first person to make the now classical distinction between a (singular) bishop and plural presbyters, whom he compares to Christ and his apostles.»12 The bishop is the president of the governing council of the church, but the presbyters share in his ministry and must be obeyed equally with him.»13 It is however quite clear what the limits of the bishop's 'authority' are. He cannot command the church in the way that the apostles could (and did)»14 and it is apparent that he acts primarily as a focus of unity for the church as a whole, which is symbolised above all in the eucharist at which he ought normally to preside.»15

Ignatius accepts that the bishop may delegate his presidential functions to another, and we can only assume that this must have been to one or more of the presbyters. In the modern church such 'delegation' has long been the norm, so much so that it has largely been forgotten that presbyterial presidency at the eucharist is a delegated privilege, not a right which has been conferred by ordination.»16

One reason for this confusion of course, is that the Ignatian bishop was much more like a modern incumbent than like a modern bishop, because in most cases he would not have had a flock larger than that of the average parish today. Everything Ignatius says presumes a congregational framework rather than a diocesan one, in which bishop and presbyters exercised a team ministry to which every member of the church would have been directly connected. It can therefore be argued that a presbyter today functions more or less as an Ignatian bishop did in the second century, and so if women can be admitted to the modern presbyterate there is little reason to deny them the episcopate, even if it is a distinct order in the church.

The Headship Question

But however true this may be, it is still the case that the Ignatian bishop was expected to act as the focus of unity for the church in a way which was (and is) not expected of the presbyters. The scale on which this function operates has certainly changed over the centuries, but the underlying principle has not. The modern Anglican bishop still acts as a diocesan co-ordinator, without whose licence no presbyter or deacon can legitimately function. He is the 'head' of the diocese, to whom people turn for authoritative guidance on a wide range of policies and initiatives. To admit that not all bishops have fulfilled their function(s) in the most edifying manner is not to deny that this is a real and valuable ministry, and one which has helped to permit the wide range of diversity which the Church of England exhibits at parish level. For better or for worse, the Anglican Communion has shown an ability to keep mutually antagonistic groups under one organisational umbrella to a degree unknown elsewhere, and there can be no doubt that the Anglican form of episcopacy has contributed to this to a significant degree, even if it is not the only factor involved.

'Headship' is a controversial subject and in recent years the use of the Greek word kephale in 1 Corinthians 11 has been the object of much scholarly debate. The most recent and in some ways thorough treatment of the question is by Professor A. C. Thiselton, in his commentary on 1 Corinthians.»17 Professor Thiselton surveys the evidence and demonstrates that the word kephale (basically 'head') has a wide range of metaphorical meanings according to context, but that in the end all of these revolve around the notion of 'pre-eminence'.

There is an order in the spiritual universe which can be expressed in terms of 'headship' as follows: God the Father is the head of the Son, the Son is the head of man, and man is the head of woman. This order was symbolised in public worship by the fact that women covered their heads and men did not. The appropriateness of this symbolism can be questioned in a culture where hat-wearing is uncommon, but the underlying principle cannot. The order which it represents belongs to creation, though Professor Thiselton is anxious to point out that it does not mean that women are inferior to men.

If we look carefully at the 'hierarchy' presented by the Apostle Paul, we realise that ontologically speaking, Father and Son are equal in the Godhead, whereas male and female are equal in their common humanity. It is between the divine and the human that the great gulf of inequality is fixed, and so whatever the hierarchy of headship is supposed to stand for, it cannot be that. When we stop to think about it, the surprising thing about Paul's statement is that human beings are classed in the same structure of order as members of the Godhead, and this provides an important clue as to the meaning of the passage. Men and women are linked to God the Father and the Son because as human beings they are created in the image and likeness of God.

Headship therefore refers to a pattern of relationships within a divine order which transcends the distinction between created and uncreated being. The Son is not subordinate to the Father because the Father is somehow his 'source' (Professor Thiselton points out, in line with most serious scholarship, that the word kephale does not mean 'source'), but because that is his place in a divine order in which the individuality of each of the persons is affirmed and protected. Father and Son need each other in order to be themselves, and this mutuality is worked out in the submissiveness of the Son just as much as it is in the 'authority' of the Father who raises him from the dead and thereby validates his sacrifice. Similarly, male and female need each other in order to be themselves, and their interrelationship is also expressed in terms of submission and sacrifice. The link between the divine and the human is provided by the incarnate Son, who is at once both priest and victim, judge and sacrifice. The whole pattern of our salvation is worked out in this complex structure of 'order', which the church is called to proclaim and reflect in its public worship.

It is this aspect of the matter which makes it inappropriate for a woman to occupy a position in the church which by definition makes men subordinate to her. Neither her ability to do the job, nor her fundamental equality with men is at stake here. If we consider the Godhead for a moment, there is nothing in the person of the Father which makes it impossible for him to become incarnate and to offer his life for the salvation of sinners; in terms of ability and equality, he was just as capable of doing this as was the Son. That however, is not the point. The Son's sacrifice is not the result of greater (or lesser) ability, but comes from the nature of their mutual relationship.

Likewise, the 'headship' of the male with respect tot eh female is not a question of superiority or inferiority, but of relationship - and of relationship moreover in the image and likeness of God. For many Christians this raises acute difficulties with the ordination of women to the presbyterate, which seems to them to be incompatible with Biblical teaching on headship relationships. This difficulty can perhaps be overcome with regard to the presbyterate, but only if the presbyterate is dissociated from the notion of headship. If the head of the presbyter is the bishop, it can always be argued that female presbyters can be accepted because they are not 'heads' - they are subordinate to the headship of the bishop.»18

Unity and Acceptability

Whether the current pattern of Anglican episcopacy is theologically justifiable is a complex question, which perhaps ought to be addressed more seriously than it has been before any changes to it are adopted. But as long as we have the system which we have inherited, it is obvious that the bishop functions within it as a focus of unity for the 'local' (i.e. diocesan) church, of which he is the recognised head.

One aspect of this form of leadership, often neglected by modern commentators, is that the Clementine episkopos had to be acceptable to the entire congregation. Clement did not mean by this that absolutely everyone had to be content; he certainly had no intention of pandering to cranks or troublemakers, whom he clearly censured. But the elders of the church were expected to choose bishops who could command the general assent and respect of the congregation. In a church which permits two 'integrities' over the matter of women's ordination, it must be obvious that in applying this principle today, bishops must command the respect of both if the unity of the church is to be preserved.

Those who favour women bishops are not opposed to having men, but those who do not will not accept women, which means that if the two integrities are to be held together, only men can be appointed as bishops. To appoint a woman would be to split the church by denying the legitimacy of one of the integrities. The principle that this should be avoided has a precedent in the New Testament, in the circumcision of Timothy (Acts 16:3). This was imposed on him by the Apostle Paul, in spite of the latter's well-known and frequently articulated opposition to circumcision as a theological necessity, in order to make Timothy more acceptable to Jewish Christians, who were the other integrity of their day. Timothy had to be acceptable without question by everyone, which was enough to mandate a practice which the apostle would never have justified on theological grounds.

It is perhaps worth remembering here that the principle of universal acceptability for the heads of churches has an importance which goes beyond the question of women's ministry alone. In Wales, for example, it has been debated whether a bishop ought to know the Welsh language if he is expected to represent the whole church, and in England the question of citizenship might arise if a foreigner were to be nominated as a bishop. There are obviously many monoglot English-speakers in the Welsh ministry who would make excellent bishops, just as there are many eminent foreigners who would grace the episcopate if they were to be elected to it. The issue in such cases is not one of ability, but of suitability, and here non-theological factors have a legitimate role to play, as the case of Timothy's circumcision demonstrates.»19

Conclusion

The current debate over the suitability of women bishops is one which finds equally sincere people holding opposing and incompatible views. The minority traditionalist 'integrity' knows that it has little chance of persuading the majority,»20 but continues to hope that time will show that it has been right to maintain its stand. Its position is rooted in an understanding of Scripture and tradition which is not eccentric or cantankerous, and may yet succeed in winning over the majority to its views. Certainly there is little sign of its dying out in the course of time, or of its becoming restricted to one group or type of churchmanship.

Traditionalism on this issue is widely spread across the church, and is present among women as well as men. If it is wrong, as those who favour the consecration of women as bishops clearly think it is, it should be allowed to die of its own accord (as Jewish Christianity did) and not be expelled from the church by a majoritarian imposition of a form of leadership which the minority cannot accept. This willingness to wait for a consensus to emerge is known in theological parlance as 'the process of reception'.

As long as there are two integrities officially recognised in the Church of England, the process of receiving women's ordination must be regarded as incomplete, and in those circumstances, the consecration of women bishops can do nothing but divide the church still further. The way forward is unclear, but supporters of women bishops should at least understand that unless and until they can persuade the other integrity of the rightness of their own position, the way of charity dictates a willingness to forgo it for the sake of peace in the church as a whole.

Footnotes<

J. B. Lightfoot, St Paul's epistle to the Philippians (4th edn., London, 1878), pp. 181-269. The first edition, which also contained the dissertation, appeared in 1868.

R. A. Campbell, The elders: seniority within earliest Christianity (Edinburgh, 1994), pp. 176-204.

The different uses of the word apostolos are an obvious case in point, but there has been a noticeable tendency in recent years to ignore these in an effort to prove that there were female 'apostles' on essentially the same level as the Twelve.

The most important difference is that Timothy and Titus were given roving commissions by the Apostle Paul, whereas later bishops were heads of particular local churches elected by their members.

This is the line taken by R. A. Campbell, Elders, pp. 255-7. In his reconstruction, the progressive emergence of the monarchical episcopate was directly parallelled by the progressive exclusion of women from positions of authority.

It is perhaps worth pointing out that there is no evidence that this post-apostolic trend, if that is what it was, was seriously resisted by anyone, unless of course gnostic movements and the like are taken as evidence of that.

Romans 16:7. Whatever else may be said about this, it is quite clear that 'Junia' was not one of the twelve apostles. It is also probable that whatever she was or did was in tandem with Andronicus, whom we must presume was her husband.

It might have been resisted, as was the admission of uncircumcised males to church membership, but it might also have been boasted of as a sign of Christian freedom. Neither reaction is attested anywhere.

Clement of Rome, Epistle to the Corinthians, 42.

Ibid., 44.

Something like this occurs in the Church of England, when it is assumed that an Evangelical should follow an Anglo-Catholic to Canterbury, etc.

Ignatius of Antioch, Epistle to the Magnesians, 6.

Idem, Epistle to the Trallians, 2.

Ibid., 2; idem, Epistle to the Romans, 4.

Idem, Epistle to the Smyrnaeans, 8-9.

This whole discussion has been bedevilled by a false conception of 'sacerdotal priesthood', according to which the ordained presbyter received a sacramental grace which made him ontologically different from (and implicitly superior to) the average church member. How much of the pressure for female ordination has been driven by a sense that women have been unjustly excluded from this 'grace' is impossible to determine, but it has undoubtedly played a role by exacerbating the whole problem of 'status' within the body of Christ on an essentially false premiss.

(Grand Rapids, 2000).

It is true, of course, that very few opponents of female bishops would argue this way. Most of them are just as opposed to the ordination of women as presbyters because (among other things) a presbyter functions as the 'head' of a local congregation.

Of course, opponents of the ordination of women often believe that a theological principle is at stake, but the point here is that even those who reject that argument ought to consider the validity of remaining within the bounds of universal acceptability.

The terms 'minority' and 'majority' are somewhat subjective and are used here for convenience. It is always possible that today's apparent majority, which is of very recent origin, may not last.


Gerald Bray is is Director of Research for the Latimer Trust, and Professor at Samford University, and Editor of the journal Churchman.