- October 23, 2014
Reformed Churchmen
We are Confessional Calvinists and a Prayer Book Church-people. In 2012, we remembered the 350th anniversary of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer; also, we remembered the 450th anniversary of John Jewel's sober, scholarly, and Reformed "An Apology of the Church of England." In 2013, we remembered the publication of the "Heidelberg Catechism" and the influence of Reformed theologians in England, including Heinrich Bullinger's Decades. For 2014: Tyndale's NT translation. For 2015, John Roger, Rowland Taylor and Bishop John Hooper's martyrdom, burned at the stakes. Books of the month. December 2014: Alan Jacob's "Book of Common Prayer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Book-Common-Prayer-Biography-Religious/dp/0691154813/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1417814005&sr=8-1&keywords=jacobs+book+of+common+prayer. January 2015: A.F. Pollard's "Thomas Cranmer and the English Reformation: 1489-1556" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-English-Reformation-1489-1556/dp/1592448658/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1420055574&sr=8-1&keywords=A.F.+Pollard+Cranmer. February 2015: Jaspar Ridley's "Thomas Cranmer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-Jasper-Ridley/dp/0198212879/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1422892154&sr=8-1&keywords=jasper+ridley+cranmer&pebp=1422892151110&peasin=198212879
Saturday, October 25, 2014
25 October 2014 A.D. Joseph Ratzinger (Benedict XVI): “Relativism” is “Lethal to Faith”
Saturday, September 8, 2012
Al Mohler on 2012 Election: Worldviews in Collision
http://www.albertmohler.com/2012/09/06/the-great-american-worldview-exercise-the-2012-election/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+AlbertMohlersBlog+%28Albert+Mohler%27s+Blog%29
The Great American Worldview Exercise — The 2012 Election
American presidential elections are the world’s most public display of the democratic process. The global media follow the American elections with a fervor that is easily understood — what happens in an American presidential election matters all over the world. Our presidential campaigns are political pageants and electoral dynamos. But, as any honest thoughtful observer will understand, our elections are also great worldview exercises. We reveal our worldview by our vote.
This is particularly true of the 2012 election. The presidential nominees of the two major parties represent two very different worldviews and visions. President Barack Obama and Governor Mitt Romney have adopted policy positions that place them in direct conflict, and the platforms of their respective parties reveal two radically different renderings of reality.
Years ago, Governor George Wallace of Alabama once remarked with disdain that there is not “a dime’s worth of difference” between the Democrats and the Republicans. In a sense, he was at least partly right. A look back at the platforms of the two parties in the 1950s and 1960s reveals little division over many of the issues that now frame our national debate. Some of today’s issues were simply missing, of course, given the fact that they were not even part of the national conversation.
But on issues of the economy, foreign policy, the function of government, and a host of other issues, the parties held positions that were far closer than is the case today. Divisive issues such as the war in Vietnam would be addressed with different policy proposals, but the platforms of the two parties reflected a shared moral and political framework — a truth that would shock many Americans today.
All that changed with the social and political divisions that came with the 1968 and 1972 elections, when the Democratic Party experienced its great transformation on a host of social issues. The 1980 election saw the Republicans experience their own transformation, with social issues such as abortion rising to major attention in the party platform.
Though the two parties have taken opposing positions on many of these issues for years, the radical nature of the current polarization is new.
The parties differ on matters such as health care and the environment, the power of public employee unions, medicare, and foreign policy. But those differences, real and consequential, pale in contrast with the positions taken by the parties on the issues of abortion and same-sex marriage.
In 2012, the Democratic Party becomes the first major political party in the United States to call for the legalization of same-sex marriage. “We support marriage equality and support the movement to secure equal treatment under the law for same-sex couples,” states the platform. This follows President Obama’s announcement earlier this year that his “evolving” position on same-sex marriage had now reached the point that he would openly call for same-sex couples to be given the legal right to marry.
The velocity of the Democratic Party’s shift on same-sex marriage was on full display on the stage of the 2012 Democratic National Convention when former President Bill Clinton nominated President Obama for re-election. In 1996, President Clinton signed the Defense of Marriage Act [DOMA] into law after a massive bi-partisan majority in Congress had approved the legislation. That act established that the United States government would recognize only the union of a man and a woman as marriage, and that no state would be required to recognize a same-sex union performed in any other state.
Just 16 years later, the Democratic president who signed that act into law nominated the Democratic president who is working for its repeal. President Obama has ordered his Attorney General not to defend DOMA in the Federal courts. He and his party now openly call for what that Federal statute — still bearing the full force of law — prohibits.
The Republican platform stated: “We affirm our support for a Constitutional amendment defining marriage as the union of one man and one woman.” Thus, the Republican platform calls for nothing less than a Constitutional amendment to prevent what the Democratic platform demands the law to affirm. That Constitutional amendment, Republicans argue, is made necessary by the very fact that the Democratic President will not defend DOMA.
On the issue of abortion, the Republican platform states, “we assert the sanctity of human life and affirm that the unborn child has a fundamental individual right to life which cannot be infringed.” The Democratic platform states: “The Democratic Party strongly and unequivocally supports Roe v. Wade and a woman’s right to make decisions regarding her pregnancy, including a safe and legal abortion, regardless of ability to pay. We oppose any and all efforts to weaken or undermine that right.”
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| Abortion: 20 weeks |
Both parties hold these positions because they are, in truth, the inevitable consequences of basic worldview assumptions. These assumptions include belief that marriage is essential to human flourishing and cannot be redefined without bringing on human disaster, contrasted with the belief that the liberation of humanity from oppression and prejudice requires the redefinition of marriage. In the background are contradictory assumptions about human sexuality, sexual morality, moral authority, individual autonomy, and the ends to which human beings are to aim their lives.
The assumptions framing the abortion positions of the two parties include the belief that every human life is sacred and to be protected at every point of development contrasted with the belief that a human life takes on greater worth and right to live as the development continues, but is tentative at least until the moment of live birth. The belief that the baby is itself the most urgent moral unit is contrasted with the belief that the woman and her right to control her own reproductive destiny is paramount. Behind these beliefs stand convictions and assumptions about human dignity, the worth of human life, the responsibility of the society to every human life, the purpose and end of human reproduction, and nothing less than the meaning of both life and death.
We are not looking at minor matters of political difference. We are staring into the abyss of comprehensive moral conflict. Christians voters cannot escape the consequences of their vote and the fact that our most basic convictions will be revealed in the voting booth come November. Christians cannot face these questions without the knowledge that God is the Giver of life, who made every human life in his image. We cannot consider this election without the knowledge that our Creator has given us the covenant of marriage as the union of one man and one woman as the demonstration of his glory and the promise of human flourishing.
Americans will elect a President in November, but our vote will reveal far more than our political preference. The 2012 election is a worldview exercise of unprecedented contrasts. The electoral map will reveal more than an election winner. It will reveal who Americans really are and what we really believe.
Tuesday, May 15, 2012
Sociology and Theology of Family: Family Upheaval & Theological Decline
By Peter Smith
THE COURIER-JOURNAL
http://www.blogs.courier-journal.com/
May 14, 2012
My story here looks at how churches are coping with a half-century of revolutionary change in Americans' family structures and sex lives. Nearly half of adults are now single, and the never-married and divorced as groups are less likely to attend church than married people. Many are divorced, cohabiting and/or unwed parents, their very presence posing a challenge to traditional church morals. Every church leader I spoke with said they'd rather bring out the welcome mats than the scarlet letters.
This conciliatory approach contrasts with the judgmentalism that churches showed more when they represented the establishment - and that doubtless many show today.
But here's another angle to consider: the family and sexual revolutions didn't happen in a vacuum. They were aided in part by religion's declining influence, and in turn hastened that decline.
According to author and journalist James Haught, the crumbling of sexual and other taboos is one of the surest signs that the United States is belatedly following Europe and other industrialized nations into a post-religious era.
In his book, "Fading Faith: The Rise of the Secular Age," Haught cites the growing lack of religious identity among young adults, the steep decline in liberal Protestant denominations and an exodus from the Catholic Church.
And this, from an essay based on the book in the Charleston, W.Va., Gazette, where he is editor:
"A half-century ago, church-backed laws had power in America. In the 1950s, it was a crime to look at the equivalent of a Playboy magazine or R-rated movie - or for stores to open on the Sabbath - or to buy a cocktail or lottery ticket - or to sell birth-control devices in some states - or to be homosexual - or to terminate a pregnancy - or to read a sexy novel - or for an unwed couple to share a bedroom. Now all those morality laws have fallen, one after another. Currently, state after state is legalizing gay marriage, despite church outrage."
A different world indeed. But did these social lurches cause the religious decline, result from it, or some combination of both?
Survey after survey is confirming the "creeping secularism" in the nation, in the words of "American Grace" authors Robert Putnam and David Campbell. This trend is driven by the youngest adults who are increasingly rejecting the religions of their elders (often retaining some type of spirituality, but without signing on to particular dogma or religious tribal identity). Just between 2006 and 2011, they wrote, growing minorities of adults and particularly young adults are more likely to disbelieve in God, avoid religious services, consider sex outside of marriage to be OK, support gay marriage and believe in evolution without divine involvement.
So is America becoming more like secular Europe? Not so fast, the authors said. "Given the entrepreneurial dynamism of American religion, it seems likely that America's religious leaders will respond to the secular shift and seek to bring the disaffected back to religion." One way they're doing so already is by easing up on the politics that have alienated many from religion.
It's also worth noting that Putnam's, Campbell's and other studies show that religion is fading fastest among the less-educated and the struggling classes. For whatever reason, religion is holding on the strongest among the better-off. People used to say that America had the religious diversity of South Asia in the grassroots but almost no faith among the elites in college towns, Hollywood, New York and Washington. So the old joke was that we were a nation of Indians ruled by Swedes. Are we now becoming a nation of Swedes ruled by Indians?
END
Wednesday, December 21, 2011
Church Times: UK PM's "Christian Values" Call Welcomed
http://www.churchtimes.co.uk/content.asp?id=122311
PM’s ‘Christian values’ call welcomed
by a staff reporterKT BRUCE |
| A LECTURE by the Prime Minister in defence of Britain as a Christian country has been broadly welcomed. In a speech to Oxford clergy in Christ Church, Oxford, last Friday, David Cameron argued against the trend towards a neutral, secularist culture. “The Bible has helped to give Britain a set of values and morals which make Britain what it is today. Values and morals we should actively stand up and defend. “The alternative of moral neutrality should not be an option. You can’t fight something with nothing. Because if we don’t stand for something, we can’t stand against anything.” Among the moral values that he praised was universal equality: “When every human being is of equal and infinite importance, created in the very image of God, we get the irrepressible foundation for equality and human rights, a foundation that has seen the Bible at the forefront of the emergence of democracy, the abolition of slavery, and the emancipation of women — even if not every Church has always got the point!” The effect of these values was to create a tolerant society: “Those who say being a Christian country is doing down other faiths simply don’t understand that it is easier for people to believe and practise other faiths when Britain has confidence in its Christian identity. Many people tell me it is much easier to be Jewish or Muslim here in Britain than it is in a secular country like France. Why? Because the tolerance that Christianity demands of our society provides greater space for other religious faiths, too.” Mr Cameron listed other values that he defined as Christian: “responsibility, hard work, charity, compassion, humility, self-sacrifice, love, pride in working for the common good, and honouring the social obligations we have to one another, to our families and our communities”. It was not enough, though, merely to be tolerant of others, he said, and repeated a remark first made in February: “Frankly, we need a lot less of the passive tolerance of recent years and a much more active, muscular liberalism. A passively tolerant society says to its citizens: as long as you obey the law we will just leave you alone. It stands neutral between different values. “But I believe a genuinely liberal country does much more; it believes in certain values and actively promotes them. We need to stand up for these values. Yes, they are Christian values. And we should not be afraid to acknowledge that. . . We should all stand up and defend them.” Mr Cameron concluded by encouraging the Church to be involved in this defence. “I believe the Church — and indeed all our religious leaders and their communities in Britain — have a vital role to play in helping to achieve this. I have never really understood the argument some people make about the Church not getting involved in politics. “To me, Christianity, faith, religion, the Church, and the Bible are all inherently involved in politics, because so many political questions are moral questions. So I don’t think we should be shy or frightened of this.” He included Dr Williams in this: “I certainly don’t object to the Archbishop of Canterbury expressing his views on politics. Religion has a moral basis, and if he doesn’t agree with something, he’s right to say so.” But he warned: “He shouldn’t be surprised when I respond. Also, it’s legitimate for political leaders to say something about religious institutions as they see them affecting our society, not least in the vital areas of equality and tolerance. I believe the Church of England has a unique opportunity to help shape the future of our communities. But, to do so, it must keep on the agenda that speaks to the whole country.” Responding to the lecture, the Bishop of Oxford, the Rt Revd John Pritchard, said: “There was no doubting the Prime Minister’s conviction that if you don’t stand for something, you can’t stand against anything. This is what the Churches have always said to the nation, and it was good to have this support from the heart of political life. “The Prime Minister . . . affirmed the crucial role of the Church in both serving and shaping society. He demonstrated clearly that the generosity, compassion, and desire for social justice which lies at the heart of the Christian faith, and of other faiths, is both a gift and a responsibility. We gladly take up the challenge.” The Bishop of Bradford, the Rt Revd Nick Baines, awarded Mr Cameron “two cheers for a brave and serious speech”. He did, though, “wince a little” at Mr Cameron’s conclusion. And he questioned a speech that dwelt on the resonance of the King James Bible without tackling its content. The full speech Leader comment Letters Media Question of the week: Do you agree with Mr Cameron that Britain is a Christian country? |

