26 November 1559: Bishop John Jewel Preaches at St. Paul’s, London

26 November 1559: Bishop John Jewel Preaches at St. Paul’s, London

A few discursive and unscientific thoughts about Jewel's sermon.

Luther is dead, 1546. Calvin is about to publish his magnum opus, The Institutes of Christian Religion. Cranmer and others have perished in the flames. Elizabeth is on the throne. Spaniards, France and Rome want England. Danger is everywhere in 1559.

Bishop John Jewel preaches at St. Paul’s on 26 November 1559.

A few observations on Anglicanism drawn from Horton Davies’ Worship and Theology in the Church of England: From Cranmer to Baxter and Fox, 1545-1690, Five Volumes (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996).

Romanists had seven sacraments. Blue-suede-shoe and lime-green gabardine types, like the APA, Walter Grunsdorf and other Romewardizing Anglicans, have seven. Holy Orders was a Roman sacrament, but Ordination was not a sacrament, but a ceremony for the authorizing of Anglican ministry. Confirmation was important, but was never a sacrament; the same went for marriage. For Penance there was no equivalent at all, unless one points to the Declaration of the Remission of Sins by a minister in Christ’s name. Continental Reformers had the equivalent services, including confirmation. It was termed differently, but there is a service of recognition for becoming adult communicant in the Reformed and Presbyterian traditions, as well as Lutheran. Lutherans like Anglicans retained the service. There was no paedo-communion as theonomists like Ray Sutton have introduced. The Articles taught two sacraments.

The two major Gospel sacraments were retained—Baptism, as the sacrament of initiation to the visible Church and Holy Communion, the sacrament of spiritual nourishment.

According to Horton:

The Anglican objections to the Roman Mass were comprehensively and tersely listed by John Jewel in his notable "Challenge Sermon," preached at St. Paul's Cross November 26, 1559 and again on March 31, 1560, which had been repeated at Court exactly a fortnight earlier.

Jewel criticised these points: using Latin and not the vernacular, Communion in one kind, the teaching in the Canon on sacrifice, the adoration of the Sacrament, and private celebration.[i]

It is worth noting by way of practice: no elevation, no kissing of tables, no parading around, etc.

Jewel followed Cranmer on the Lord’s Supper. Three distinctions were made between Rome and early English Reformed theology: (1) There was a difference between the sign and the thing signified. (2) Christ is in heaven, not bodily on earth. Ubiquitarianism or Eutychianism was insurmountable for Cranmer, Jewel, as well as Continental, Swiss reformers. (3) The body of Christ was “eaten by faith only and none otherwise.” (Jewels’ Works, 1, 449 as cited by Davies, op.cit., 121.

Archbishop Grindal wryly observed:

Christ did eat the sacrament with the apostles: ergo, the sacrament is not Christ.” (The Remains of Edmund Grindal, D.D., ed. William Nicholson, p.43, cited by Davies, 121)

At one place, Hooker--he appears to be indifferent. This scribe has not been highly impressed with Hooker by comparison with Luther or Calvin. "Who cares about transubstantiation or consubstantiation?" asks Hooker.

“…why do we vainly trouble ourselves with so fierce contentions, whether by consubstantiation or else by transubstantiation the sacrament be first possessed with Christ or no? –a thing which no way can either further nor hinders us however it stand, because our participation with Christ in this sacrament dependeth on the co-operation of His omnipotent power which maketh it His body and blood to us, whether with change or without alteration of the elements such as they imagine, we need to not greatly to care of inquire.”[ii]

What are we to make of this? How does this comport with the Thirty-nine Articles?

At another point, it was said of Hooker: “…he too moved in the tracks laid down by Thomas Cranmer.”[iii] “The real presence is to be sought, according to Hooker, not in things but in person, not in consecrated elements but in consecrated persons receiving grace through faith.”[iv]

Back to Jewel and the sermon at St. Pauls on 26 November 1559. The sense of Jewel appears to follow Cranmer straight back to Calvin and Bucer rather than Zwingli. One must read Wallace's Calvin: The Word and Sacrament, which sounds very Cranmerian.

Beyond Jewel and a few years later, a scurrilous attack was given by a Rev. Bridges in a Sermon at St. Paul’s Cathedral in 1571. Lutherans would be affronted by this. Rev Bridges affirms that the Catholics had:

"…turned Chryst out of his owne likenesse, and made him looke lyke a rounde cake, nothyng lyke to Iesus Christe, no more than an apple is lyke an oyster, nor so mutche, for there appereth neyther armes nor handes, feete nor legges, back nor belly, heade nor body of Chryst: but all is visoured and disguysed under the fourme of a wafer, as lyghte as a feather, as thinne as a paper, as whyte as a kerchiefe, as round as a trenchour, as flat as a pancake, as smal as a shilling, as tender as the Priestes lemman that made it, as muche taste as a stycke, and as deade as a dore nayle to looke upon. O blessed God, dare they `thus disfigure our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ?"[v]

Lutheran brethren will confessionally affirm that Anglicans did not get it correct, e.g. the "Black Rubric." Hooker’s view of indifference (?) will be unsatisfying to them. I think Calvin had a higher sacramental view than is current among Presbyterians. Baptists and enthusiasts are excluded. We know where the Papists are. Ridley was comfortable with Ratramnus's views, to wit, that in the 9th century he spoke without official rebuke.

Kissing tables, monstrances with the little glass holes in the boxes to “see an impanated Jesus” as bread worshippers, Holy Roods, choking incense, Marian invocations and all were affronts, except for the blue-suede-shoe types. We are reminded of Archbishop Grindal's question, to wit, "If Jesus instituted the Lord’s Supper and celebrated it the last night before His death, did He eat Himself?"

________________________________________
[i] Horton Davies’ Worship and Theology in the Church of England: From Cranmer to Baxter and Fox, 1545-1690, Five Volumes (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996), 122.
[ii] Richard Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity, ed. by Keble, V, lxvii, 12, 359. Davies’, op.cit., footnote 79, 33. Hooker is some of the most wearying reading one can do.
[iii] Horton Davies’ Worship and Theology in the Church of England: From Cranmer to Baxter and Fox, 1545-1690, Five Volumes (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996), 122.
[iv] Richard Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity, ed. by Keble, V, lxvii, 12, 359. Davies’, op.cit., footnote 170, 122.
[v] Horton Davies’ Worship and Theology in the Church of England: From Cranmer to Baxter and Fox, 1545-1690, Five Volumes (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996), 33.

The Life of Jewell

http://www.churchsociety.org/issues_new/history/jewell/iss_history_jewell_bromiley-life.asp

John Jewel by G.W. Bromiley

The Life of Jewell

John Jewel, like so many other great Elizabethans, was a Devonshire man. Incidentally, it is interesting to reflect how representative the Reforming leaders were. To take a few examples, Cranmer and Latimer were from the East and West Midlands, Ridley and Grindal from the North, Jewell himself from the West country. Jewell was born on the 24th of May, 1522 - just after the epoch-making Diet of Worms. He came of an old-established family living at Buden, Berrynarbor, and was one of ten children. In early years he seems to have been deeply attached to and greatly influenced by his mother.

The foundations of Jewell's distinguished intellectual career were laid by his mother's brother, Rector John Bellamy. Jewell later attended school at Braunton and Barnstaple. During his school days he contracted small-pox - a scourge which took heavy toll in Europe right up to modern times. Possibly his later weak health owed some- thing to this illness. He quickly revealed himself above the average as a scholar, both in aptitude and also in industry. An intellectual career obviously awaited him. Already in his early years he evinced something of that modesty which later was to be one of his foremost characteristics.

The next step was the University. Cambridge was the main Reforming centre, but Jewell went up to Oxford, entering Merton College in 1535. The comparatively early age at which a University course commenced in those days may be noted. Jewell held a postmastership at Merton and studied under John Parkhurst, probably the first to introduce him to Reformed doctrines. In 1539 he moved to Corpus where he quickly distinguished himself, arousing the admiration of some and the envy of others. He took his Bachelor's degree in 1540, but continued in study for the Mastership, which was successfully achieved during the year 1544-1545. It was during these years that Jewell accumulated his vast stores of erudition. The field over which he worked was limitless, notwithstanding the comparative fewness of books and restricted nature of scholarship in his day. He made himself thoroughly acquainted not only with the Classics, but also with History, Rhetoric, Philosophy and Mathematics. He devoted much time to the study of the Evangelical Father, Augustine. In order to make himself thoroughly the master of his craft, Jewell worked at his books early and late. Like so many others of his age, he was an early riser. His day began at 4 a.m., and he often finished work only at 10p.m. These years of study affected Jewell vitally in two ways. Physically, he was affected for the worse, for his health was ruined. He began to suffer from a rheumatic affection which remained with him throughout life, and resulted in lame- ness. Theologically and spiritually, he gained better re-wards. His studies led him in the direction of the Reformed theology. The cautious reforms which Cranmer was able to initiate during these later years of Henry's reign had their impulse from Lutheran rather than Reformed sources. The teaching of Zwingli and of the younger Calvin had begun to have their effect, however, and the day was soon to come when it would almost completely carry the day. Jewell himself was amongst those who already leaned to the fuller and more systematic formulations of the Swiss. His Master's degree completed, he remained in Oxford, finding employment as a tutor and as a reader in the Humanities and in Rhetoric. His obvious abilities and his exemplary life attracted the notice of many benefactors, and Jewell was clearly destined to play a notable part in the work of ecclesiastical reform.

The accession of Edward opened up the way for a more radical reformation. One of Cranmer's more important moves on the theological side was the importing of out- standing continental Reformers to fill chairs of theology at the Universities. Bucer was perhaps the foremost of these foreign scholars. He was only too pleased to find an asylum and a sphere of work in England at a time when the military defeat of the Lutherans and the enforcement of the Augsburg Interim made his position in Strassburg impossible. Hardly less eminent and more pronouncedly and definitely Reformed was Peter Martyr, who came to Oxford in 1549. Jewell attended the lectures given by Martyr in that year, and quickly became an admirer and a friend. He copied out the important disputation of Martyr with Chedsey upon the subject of the Lord's Supper-the central battle-field between the Romanists and the Reformed theologians, and indeed between the Reformed party and the Lutherans. In 1551 Jewell was licensed to preach, and in addition to his academic work he took over the cure of Sunningwell. He became an acceptable preacher at the University.
The death of Edward did not immediately blight Jewell's career. He was ejected from his college - a strong Roman centre - but found a new home in Broadgates Hall (now Pembroke), and gathered many pupils. The situation was ominous, but Jewell, peaceable rather than disputatious by nature, probably hoped that by abstaining from controversy he would be allowed to continue his academic work. He was still highly regarded for his learning, and he must have been encouraged when he was elected to the post of University orator. In this capacity he moved an address to the Queen. In 1554, when Ridley and Cranmer were in Oxford, Jewell was still unmolested. He did not hide his Reformed sympathies, for he acted as notary to the two Reformers in their disputations.

The blow fell swiftly, and perhaps to a certain extent un-expectedly. It certainly caught Jewell himself unprepared. He was required later in this year to sign Romanizing articles. In a moment of weakness he complied. We must not judge him too harshly. Like Cranmer, he was by nature a scholar rather than a man of action. One thing was now clear, however, that the hope of a quiet academic life in the new England was a vain and empty one. Jewell had to make a choice between recantation and martyrdom, or seek safety as so many others had done by flight. He chose flight.

At the end of 1554, helped by Latimer's faithful servant Bernher, he escaped from Oxford. He spent some time in hiding, and finally secured a passage to the Continent. He made his way to that centre of English religious refugees, Frankfurt, where the exiles had been hospitably received. Jewell himself did not meet with a very good reception from the strongly reformed leaders of the English Church, Whittingham and Knox. For one thing, he was a weakling and a traitor. For another, he remained loyal to the reforms of Cranmer, and was opposed to the more radical liturgical reconstruction desired by the admirers of Geneva. Jewell atoned for his fault by public confession, but he allied himself from the first with Cox and the Prayer Book party against those who wished to conduct the worship of the refugees (in the church kindly allowed them by the City Fathers) along “purer” lines than those laid down in the 1552 book. Knox and Whittingham had strong support, but after a battle not very creditably conducted on either side the Prayer Book party carried the day. The struggle became so bitter that it became a public scandal in Frankfurt. Eventually Cox and Jewell complained to the magistrates and secured the ejection of Knox from the city. Clearly two parties were now developing within the Anglican Reforming movement, agreed in points of doctrine, but disagreeing widely in matters of ceremonial, discipline, and government. Out of this struggle arose the great and disastrous Puritan controversy of the reigns of Elizabeth and the Stuarts. Jewell threw in his lot with the more conservative Reformers, choosing to follow in the footsteps of Cranmer rather than in those of Calvin.

The English by their quarrels had destroyed the goodwill of the Frankfurters, and Jewell himself left in the year 1555. He moved to Strassburg to join his old master and friend, Peter Martyr. Here he enjoyed the company of many leading Reformers, Grindal, Sandys, Nowel, and others. Martyr was invited to Zurich the following year as Professor of Hebrew, and Jewell accompanied him. At Zurich he found Lever and Pilkington, and his former teacher, Parkhurst. The plight of the exiles became wretched at this time, for Gardiner had succeeded in cutting off the supplies which influential sympathizers in London had forwarded for their maintenance. Bullinger and the Zurich church came to their rescue with liberal gifts. Jewell spent the rest of his exile in Zurich-except possibly for a visit to Padua-and he used his time profitably in assisting Peter Martyr and in furthering his own studies.

The death of Mary in 1558 was the signal for a return to England and the re-establishment of the work of reform. Jewell left Zurich in that year and arrived back in his own land in 1559. On the way he was able to assist Parlihurst, who had suffered robbery. Jewell never forgot the kind fellowship which he had experienced in Zurich. Some of the letters which passed between himself and the Zurich leaders have been preserved in the valuable Parker Society edition of the Zurich Letters. Bullinger was highly thought of in Elizabethan England, and his Decades became recommended reading for the ministers of the English Church.

Back in England, Jewell very quickly found scope for his talents. He acted as a Reformed representative at the abortive Westminster disputation, and he preached one of the famous St. Paul's Cross sermons. It was on this latter occasion that he first issued his bold challenge to the Romanists to submit certain disputed points to the judment of the reputable and acknowledged Fathers of the first six centuries. In his appeal to Patristic authority Jewell followed Cranmer, who had also argued that the Fathers favoured the Reformers rather than their opponents. The challenge was naturally the call to a battle of scholarship for which the diligent and learned Jewell was singularly well equipped.

At this time he also served as a commissioner in the Visitation of 1559, acting in the South-Western area. The work was important in itself, but it had this further significance, that it brought Jewell into contact with, and earned him the personal enmity of, his later Romanist adversary, Harding. Like not a few others, Harding had for a time professed Protestant views. He recanted in the reign of Mary, and had risen to be Treasurer of Salisbury. He was a known and active Romanist, who was not prepared to forswear himself again. The Commissioners ejected him from his office.

Many bishoprics were vacant in this year, partly through death, partly through the solid opposition of the Marian bishops to the proposed Settlement, and their consequent deprivation. It was only natural that the higher offices should be entrusted to the returned exiles, and a man like Jewell, loyal to the Edwardian Reformation, was an obvious choice for a bishopric. Accordingly, he was elected to the see of Salisbury in 1559, and consecrated the following year. It is noteworthy that Jewell was sufficiently Reformed to scruple at the vestments and the crucifix, but not such a precisian as to allow such small and in themselves indifferent matters to hinder him from useful pastoral and spiritual work. In 1560 Jewell repeated his challenge, enlarging the number of articles which he was prepared to defend, and appealing now to the threefold authority, Scripture, the early Fathers, and the early Councils. His correspondence with Cole began in this year.

From 1560 onwards Jewell devoted himself wholeheartedly to the rule of his diocese. As was so frequently the case in the century, the see had been wasted by his predecessor (Capon), but the revenues were still ample, especially for one who, like Jewcll, did not maintain a luxurious state. One of his anxieties was the dearth of preaching ministers. Jewell did not spare himself in preaching, and in earnest ordination charges he set out the high calling of the minister of the Gospel. He applied himself to redress many of the abuses in diocesan life, especially seeking to remedy the twin evils, the spoliation and misapplication of benefices.

Diocesan affairs did not completely absorb Jewell's time and energies. He found time to preach again at St. Paul's Cross in 1561, and he also devoted much time to literary and academic work. The first-fruits of his scholarship was his defence of the Anglican Reformation against Harding, the famous Apology of the Church of England. This greatest and most widely-read of Jewell's works was published in Latin in 1562. An English translation was quickly made. This same year he wrote his Epistle to Scipio, and during the years 1563-1564 he probably had some hand in the issuing of the Second Book of Homilies.

Harding, now at Louvain, entered the lists against the Anglican champion in 1564, and a lively literary battle ensued. Jewell replied in 1565. In the same year he was awarded his Doctorate at Oxford and also found himself engaged against the Puritan, Humphreys, over the subject of subscription. Many of the controversies of this period had a personal aspect. Harding bore a grudge against Jewell for his ejection, and Whitgift and Cartwright were University rivals. The dispute between Jewell and Humphreys, however, was strictly one of principle, and the two men remained good friends. In the meantime Harding was busy. He issued his Confutation of the Answer in 1565, and further rejoinders in the following years. Jewell set about the task of writing a comprehensive reply, the great Defence of the Apology, the first edition of which appeared in 1568. In the following years, 1569-1570, Jewell enlarged the Defence, and the massive second edition became a repository for his vast stores of learning. It was reprinted in 1571.

Jewell was now barely 50 years of age, but his Herculean labours, his years of ill-health, and the mental sufferings of the exile had combined to make him an old man. His life was obviously drawing to its close. He had sufficient strength to attend the Convocation and Parliament of 1571. He saw the Thirty-Nine Articles firmly established by Parliament as the norm of doctrine of the Reformed Anglican Church. Against the Puritans, now moving on from the Vestiarian controversy to the second phase of their attack, the Presbyterian controversy, Jewell stood firm. He regretted that so many of his friends and companions in exile took the Puritan side. There was certainly no bitterness in his resistance to their attempts. His own position, however, was clear.

Jewell was able to carry through a visitation of his diocese in 1572. As the year wore on, however, sickness overtook him, and it was soon evident that it would be his last. As Jewell had glorified God in his life, so he glorified Him in his death. His last hours were spent in godly exercises. He gave a last address, testifying to his Lord and Saviour to the very last. A psalm and prayers surrounded his death-bed with praise and supplication. On the night of September 22-23 Jewell passed from his earthly praises to the worship of eternity. He had been granted only a short span, but he died worn out with labours for his Master. He had fought a good fight. He had finished his course. Henceforth there was laid up for him a crown of glory.

John Jewel and His Importance

http://www.churchsociety.org/issues_new/history/jewell/iss_history_jewell_bromiley-importance.asp

John Jewel by G.W. Bromiley

The Importance of Jewell

We have surveyed the life and character of Jewell and outlined his most famous work. The time has now come to attempt some estimation of his influence and importance. We may notice first the importance of Jewell for his own time. We can then go beyond to see whether his life and work have not a wider importance for the Church of England as a whole.

The importance of Jewell for his own time is obvious enough. Jewell helped to re-establish Protestantism and to shape the Reformation Settlement, both in theory and in practice, at a time when the Marian reaction and its failure had left theological and ecclesiastical life in England in a state of confusion and even chaos. Against Romanists he maintained the essential principles of Reform. Against the extremists who had imbibed more radical notions, he loyally maintained the Edwardian policy: a thorough-going reformation in doctrine, a minimum of change in liturgical and ecclesiastical structure. Jewell was the scholar who could answer the charges of Rome, and he was also the pastor who could translate the Settlement into terms of diocesan and parochial life.

Jewell was not perhaps the outstanding character of his day either in thought or in action, but it would still be true to say that apart from his immediate importance he has in many respects an importance for the Church of England even at the present time. In a lesser but by no means negligible sphere, he sets an example of the English diocesan bishop at his best: a scholar, conscientious in the discharge of his pastoral duties, playing his part worthily in the wider councils of the Church, not pre-occupied, however, with matters of policy and organization. The English Church has produced many such characters, but the diocesan bishop today who aims to be worthy of his high calling could do worse than study again the conduct and the work of this Elizabethan Bishop of Salisbury.

In the sphere of scholarship Jewell excelled, not as the original thinker but as the pure scholar. Here too the modern Anglican has much to learn from Jewell, who showed once and for all that the Church of England must take its side with the Reformed churches in withdrawal from Rome, and that so long as Rome refuses to reform itself by the Scriptures, such withdrawal is justified. The cry for reunion so often sounded in our own day is a dangerous cry if it is uttered at the expense of the fundamentally Protestant character of the Church of England in doctrine and practice. Jewell teaches us that the separation from Rome is still a justifiable separation, and that there can be no unity with a church which remains so flagrantly non-scriptural, non-apostolic, and non-catholic.


But Jewell had a wider importance than that. He not only marked off the Anglican as a Reformed church ; in the tradition of Cranmer he also taught Anglican theologians to seek their authority in the early Fathers and Councils as well as in Scripture. The Reformers abroad had been willing to appeal to the Fathers, to Augustine, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Bernard, but not perhaps so freely and wholeheartedly as did the Anglicans. In his appeal to patristic authority Jewell permanently influenced the course of theology in England. His pupil Hooker carried the appeal a stage further. The Carolines went a stage further still. In our own time the appeal to the early Fathers is still made, and the Church of England has produced a notable line of patristic scholars.

It ought to be noticed that the appeal of Jewell has often been misunderstood. That is why many positions have been advocated on the grounds of patristic authority which are at variance with the principles of Reformed theology. It may be that Jewell has still something to teach us in this respect. Jewell did not appeal to the Fathers as to a source of author- ity additional to that which we have in Scripture. His appeal was historical, having this aim, to show that the present Roman Church is not historically the church of the early centuries either in practice or in doctrine. Jewell granted that in its earlier period the Church was purer, and that it ought to be studied for that reason. He did not urge, however, that Scripture must be accepted as interpreted by the Fathers. He did not wish to argue that the early Church was infallible either in Scripture-interpretation or in conduct. The Church in all ages remained under the final judgment of Scripture.

One of the great needs in the Church of England at the present time is that those who follow in the Reformed tradition should take up again the work which Jewell so nobly began. The essentially Reformed nature of Anglican doctrine needs to be asserted plainly against enemies without and within. Jewell had no thought of the Church of England as a bridge - church between the Romanist and the Reformed groups. Historical circumstance have perhaps made that position appear possible, but doctrinally it is impossible. The Anglican Church of Jewell was thoroughly Protestant, and thoroughly anti-Roman. A further great need is that Anglican scholars on the Evangelical and Protestant side should devote themselves more thoroughly to the Fathers as Jewell did. They will find many loose and incautious expressions in the Fathers. They will see the beginnings of doctrines which later were to develop into erroneous interpretations. But they will see also that in the early Fathers there is both the complete confutation of the medieval corruptions which still afflict the Church of Rome, and also a general confirmation of the Evangelical understanding of the Scriptures.

In past centuries the successors of Jewell have used their patristic studies to pervert or to weaken the Reformed doctrines of Anglicanism. The fact remains, however, that in the tradition of Jewell, Reformed Anglicanism has still a distinctive service to render to the Protestant cause as a whole: to show the catholicity as well as the scripturalness of Reformed teaching and practice in opposition to the corruptions and errors of Romanism. The fulfilment of that service would be of far greater value to the cause of Christian truth and scholarship than flirtation with Scholasticism, or the attempt to create a "catholic " theology apart from the scriptural norm. The challenge of Jewell's beginning rings across the centuries to the Evangelical and Protestant scholar of today.

John Jewel's "Apology for the Church of England," (Word, Sole Sufficiency of Christ, Justification by Faith Alone, Sacraments, Liturgy, 15-20)

We receive and embrace all the canonical Scriptures, both of the Old and New Testament, giving thanks to our God, who hath raised up unto us that light which we might ever have before our eyes, lest either by the subtlety of man, or by the snares of the devil, we should be carried away to errors and lies. Also that these be the heavenly voices, whereby God hath opened unto us His will: and that only in them man's heart can have settled rest; that in them be abundantly and fully comprehended all things, whatsoever be needful for our salvation, as Origen, Augustine, Chrysostom, and Cyrillus have taught: that they be the very might and strength of God to attain to salvation: that they be the foundations of
the Prophets and Apostles, whereupon is built the Church of God: that they be the very sure and infallible rule, whereby may be tried, whether the Church do stagger, or err, and whereunto all ecclesiastical doctrine ought to be called to account: and that against these Scriptures neither law, nor ordinance, nor any custom ought to be heard: no, though Paul his own self, or an angel from heaven, should come and teach the contrary.

* * * * *

Moreover, we allow the Sacraments of the Church, that is to say, certain holy signs and ceremonies, which Christ would we should use, that by them He might set before our eyes the mysteries of our salvation, and might more strongly confirm our faith which we have in His blood, and might seal His grace in our hearts. And these Sacraments, together with Tertullian, Origen, Ambrose, Hierom, Chrysostom, Basil, Dionysius, and other Catholic fathers, do we call figures, signs, marks or badges,
prints, copies, forms, seals, signets, similitudes, patterns, representations, remembrances and memories. And we make no doubt, together with the same doctors, to say, that these be certain visible words, seals of righteousness, tokens of grace: and do expressly pronounce, that in the Lord's Supper there is truly given unto the believing the body and blood of the Lord, the flesh of the Son of God, which quickeneth our souls, the meat that cometh from above, the food of immortality, grace, truth, and life, and the Supper to be the communion of the body and blood of Christ; by the partaking whereof we be revived, we be strengthened, and be fed unto immortality; and whereby we are joined, united, and incorporate unto Christ, that we may abide in Him, and He in us.

Besides, we acknowledge there be two Sacraments, which, we judge, properly ought to be called by this name; that is to say, Baptism and the Sacrament of thanksgiving. For thus many we say were delivered and sanctified by Christ, and well allowed of the old fathers, Ambrose and Augustine.

* * * * *

We say that Baptism is a Sacrament of the remission of sins, and of that washing, which we have in the blood of Christ; and that no person which will profess Christ's Name ought to be restrained or kept back therefrom; no, not the very babes of Christians; forsomuch as they be born in sin, and do pertain unto the people of God.

We say, that Eucharistia, that is to say the Supper of the Lord, is a Sacrament; that is to wit, an evident token of the body and blood of Christ, wherein is set, as it were, before our eyes, the death of Christ and His resurrection, and what act soever He did whilst He was in His mortal body: to the end we may give Him thanks for His death, and for our deliverance: and that, by the often receiving of this Sacrament, we may daily renew the remembrance of that matter, to the intent we, being fed with the [true] body and blood of Christ, may be brought into the hope of the resurrection and of everlasting life, and may most assuredly believe that the body and blood of Christ doth in like manner feed our souls, as bread and wine doth feed our bodies. To this banquet we think the people of God ought to be earnestly bidden, that they may all communicate among themselves, and openly declare and testify both the godly society which is among them, and also the hope which they have in Christ Jesu. For this cause if there had been any which would be but a looker-on, and abstain from the Holy Communion, him did the old fathers and bishops of Rome in the primitive Church, before private mass came up, excommunicate as a wicked person and as a pagan. Neither was there any Christian at that time which did communicate alone, whiles other looked on. For so did Calixtus in times past decree, "that after the consecration was finished, all should communicate, except they had rather stand without the church-doors; because thus (saith he) did the Apostles appoint, and the same the holy Church of Rome keepeth still."

Moreover, when the people cometh to the Holy Communion, the Sacrament ought to be given them in both kinds: for so both Christ hath commanded, and the Apostles in every place have ordained, and all the ancient fathers and Catholic bishops have followed the same. And whoso doth contrary to this, he (as Gelasius saith) committeth sacrilege. And therefore we say, that our adversaries at this day, who having violently thrust out, and quite forbidden the Holy Communion, do, without the word of God, without the authority of any ancient council, without any Catholic father, without any example of the primitive Church, yea, and without reason also, defend and maintain their private masses, and the mangling of the Sacraments, and do this not only against the plain express commandment and bidding of Christ, but also against all antiquity, do wickedly therein, and are very Church robbers.

We affirm that bread and wine are holy and heavenly mysteries of the body and blood of Christ, and that by them Christ Himself, being the true bread of eternal life, is so presently given unto us as that by faith we verily receive his body and his blood. Yet say we not this so, as though we thought that the nature and substance of the bread and wine is clearly changed and goeth to nothing: as many have dreamed in these later times, which yet could never agree among themselves, of this their dream. For that was not Christ's meaning, that the wheaten bread should lay apart his own nature, and receive a certain new divinity: but that he might rather change us, and (to use Theophylact's words) might transform us into His body. For what can be said more plainly, than that which Ambrose saith: "Bread and wine remain still the same they were before, and yet are changed into another thing:" or, that which Gelasius saith: "The substance of the bread, or the nature of the wine, ceaseth not so to be:" or, that which Theodoret saith: "After the consecration the mystical signs do not cast off their own proper nature; for they remain still on their former substance, form, and kind:" or that which Augustine saith: "That which ye see is the bread and cup, for so our eyes tell us: but that which your faith requireth to be taught, is this: the bread is the body of Christ, and the cup is His blood:" or that which Origen saith: "The bread which is sanctified by the Word of God, as touching the material substance thereof, goeth into the belly, and is cast out into the privy:" or that which Christ Himself said, not only after the blessing of the cup, but after he had ministered the communion: "I will drink no more of this fruit of the vine." It is well known that the fruit of the vine is wine, and not blood.

And in speaking thus, we mean not to abase the Lord's Supper, that it is but a cold ceremony only, and nothing to be wrought therein (as many falsely slander us we teach). For we affirm, that Christ doth truly and presently give His own self in His Sacraments; in Baptism, that we may put Him on; and in His Supper, that we may eat Him by faith and spirit, and may have everlasting life by His Cross and blood. And we say not, this is done slightly and coldly, but effectually and truly. For although we do not touch the body of Christ with teeth and mouth, yet we hold Him fast, and eat Him by faith, by understanding, and by the Spirit. And it is no vain faith which doth comprehend Christ: and that is not received with cold devotion, that is received with understanding, with faith, and with spirit. For Christ Himself altogether is so offered and given us in these mysteries, that we may certainly know we be flesh of His flesh, and bone of His bones; and that Christ "continueth in us, and we in Him." And therefore in celebrating these mysteries, the people are to good purpose exhorted before they come to receive the Holy Communion, to lift up their hearts, and to direct their minds to heavenward: because He is there, by whom we must be full fed, and live. Cyril saith, when we come to receive these mysteries, all gross imaginations must quite be banished. The Council of Nice, as is alleged by some in Greek, plainly forbiddeth us to be basely affectioned, or bent toward the bread and wine, which are set before us. And, as Chrysostom very aptly writeth, we say, "that the body of Christ is the dead carcase, and we ourselves must be the eagles," meaning thereby that we must fly high, if we will come unto the body of Christ. "For this table," as Chrysostom saith, "is a table of eagles, and not of jays." Cyprian also, "This bread," saith he, "is the food of the soul, and not the meat of the belly." And Augustine, "How shall I hold Him," saith he, "which is absent? How shall I reach my hand up to heaven, to lay hold upon Him that sitteth there?" He answereth, "Reach hither thy faith, and then thou hast laid hold on Him."

We cannot also away in our churches with the shows, and sales, and buying and selling of masses, nor the carrying about and worshipping of bread: nor such other idolatrous and blasphemous fondness: which none of them can prove that Christ or His Apostles did ever ordain, or left unto us. And we justly blame the bishops of Rome, who, without the word of God, without the authority of the holy fathers, without any example of antiquity, after a new guise, do not only set before the people the sacramental bread to be worshipped as God, but do also carry about the same upon an ambling horse, whithersoever themselves journey, as in old times the Persians' fire, and the relics of the goddess Isis, were solemnly carried about in procession: and have brought the Sacraments of Christ to be used now as a stage play and a solemn sight: to the end, that men's eyes should be fed with nothing else but with mad gazings and foolish gauds, in the self-same matter, wherein the death of Christ ought diligently to be beaten into our hearts, and wherein also the mysteries of our redemption ought with all holiness and reverence to be executed.

Besides, where they say, and sometimes do persuade fools, that they are able by their masses to distribute and apply unto men's commodity all the merits of Christ's death, yea, although many times the parties think nothing of the matter, and understand full little what is done, this is a mockery, an heathenish fancy, and a very toy. For it is our faith that applieth the death and cross of Christ to our benefit, and not the act of the massing priest. "Faith had in the Sacraments," saith Augustine, "doth justify, and not the Sacraments." And Origen saith, "Christ is the Priest, the Propitiation, and Sacrifice: which Propitiation cometh to every one by means of faith." So that by this reckoning, we say that the Sacraments of Christ without faith do not once profit these that be alive; a great deal less do they profit those that be dead.

And as for their brags they are wont to make of their purgatory, though we know it is not a thing so very late risen amongst them, yet is it no better than a blockish and an old wives' device. Augustine, indeed, sometime saith, there is such a certain place: sometime he denieth not, but there may be such a one; sometime he doubteth; sometime again he utterly denieth it to be, and thinketh that men are therein deceived by a certain natural good will they bear their friends departed. But yet of this one error hath there grown up such a harvest of these mass-mongers, the masses being sold abroad commonly in every corner, the temples of God became shops to get money: and silly souls were persuaded that nothing was more necessary to be bought. Indeed, there was nothing more gainful for these men to sell.

As touching the multitude of vain and superfluous ceremonies, we know that Augustine did grievously complain of them in his own time: and therefore have we cut off a great number of them, because we know that men's consciences were cumbered about them, and the churches of God overladen with them.

Nevertheless we keep still, and esteem, not only those ceremonies which we are sure were delivered us from the Apostles, but some others too besides, which we thought might be suffered without hurt to the Church of God: because that we had a desire that all things in the holy congregation might (as St. Paul commandeth) "be done with comeliness and in good order." But as for all those things which we saw were either very superstitious, or wholly unprofitable, or noisome, or mockeries, or contrary to the Holy Scriptures, or else unseemly for honest or discreet folks, as there be an infinite number nowadays where papistry is used; these, I say, we have utterly refused without all manner exception, because we would not have the right worshipping of God any longer denied with such follies.

We make our prayers in that tongue which all our people, as meet is, may understand, to the end they may (as Paul counselleth us) take common commodity by common prayer, even as all the holy fathers and Catholic bishops, both in the Old and New Testament, did used to pray themselves, and taught the people to pray too, lest, as Augustine saith, "like parrots and ousels we should seem to speak that we understand not."

Neither have we any other mediator and intercessor, by whom we may have access to God the Father, than Jesus Christ, in whose only Name all things are obtained at His Father's hand. But it is a shameful part, and full of infidelity, that we see every whore used in the churches of our adversaries, not only in that they will have innumerable sorts of mediators, and that utterly without the authority of God's word (so that, as Jeremy saith, "The saints be now as many in number, or rather above the number of the cities;" and poor men cannot tell to which saint it were best to turn them first; and though there be so many as they cannot be told, yet every one of them hath his peculiar duty and office assigned unto him of these folks, what thing they ought to ask, what to give, and what to bring to pass): but besides this also, in that they do not only wickedly, but also shamefully, call upon the Blessed Virgin, Christ's mother, to have her remember that she is the mother, and to command her Son, and to use a mother's authority over Him.

We say also, that every person is born in sin, and leadeth his life in sin: that nobody is able truly to say his heart is clean: that the most righteous person is but an unprofitable servant: that the law of God is perfect, and requireth of us perfect and full obedience: that we are able by no means to fulfil that law in this worldly life: that there is no one mortal creature which can be justified by his own deserts in God's sight: and therefore that our only succour and refuge is to fly to the mercy of our Father by Jesu Christ, and assuredly to persuade our minds that He is the obtainer of forgiveness for our sins; and that by His blood all our spots of sin be washed clean: that He hath pacified and set at one, all things by the blood of His Cross: that He by the same one only Sacrifice, which He once offered upon the Cross, hath brought to effect and fulfilled all things, and that for that cause He said, when He gave up the ghost, "It is finished," as though He would signify, that the price and ransom was now full paid for the sin of all mankind. If there be any, then, that think this Sacrifice not sufficient, let them go, in God's Name, and seek another that is better. We, verily, because we know this to be the only Sacrifice, are well content with it alone and look for none other: and, forasmuch as it was to be offered but once, we command it not to be renewed again: and because it was full and perfect in all points and parts, we do not ordain in place thereof any continual succession of offerings.

Besides, though we say, we have no meed at all by our own works and deeds, but appoint all the means of our salvation to be in Christ alone, yet say we not, that for this cause men ought to live loosely and dissolutely: nor that it is enough for a Christian to be baptised only and to believe: as though there were nothing else required at his hand. For true faith is lively, and can in no wise be idle.

Thus therefore teach we the people, that God hath called us, not to follow riot and wantonness, but, as St. Paul saith, "unto good works, to walk in them:" that God hath plucked us out "from the power of darkness, to the end that we should serve the living God;" to cut away all the remnants of sin, and "to work our salvation in fear and trembling:" that it may appear, how that the Spirit of sanctification is in our bodies, and that Christ Himself doth dwell in our hearts.

To conclude, we believe, that this our self-same flesh wherein we live, although it die, and come to dust, yet at the last day it shall return again to life, by the means of Christ's Spirit which dwelleth in us: and that then verily, whatsoever we suffer here in the meanwhile for His sake, Christ will wipe away all tears and lamentation from our eyes: and that we through Him shall enjoy everlasting life, and shall for ever be with Him in glory. So be it.

Bishop John Jewel's "Apology for the Church of Engand: Chapter Five: Method of Defense" (pp. 21-30)

Bishop John Jewel's "Apology for the Church of Engand," a defense against the charge of schism by Papists. The vigourous defense is profuse with Scriptures as the "Sword of the Spirit" and a profound awareness of history. This is Chapter Five: "Method of Defense," 21-30.

The photo is that of Bishop John Jewel.

Regrettably, footnotes have been excluded since they are not amiable to this forum. We refer you to the original.

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The Method of Defense proposed.

Sect. 1. But the more sore and outrageous a crime heresy is, the more it ought to be proved by plain and strong arguments ; especially in this time, when men begin to give less credit to their words, and to make more diligent search of their doctrine than they were wont to do. For the people of God are otherwise instructed now than they were in times past, when all the Bishop of Rome's sayings were allowed for gospel, and when all religion did depend only upon their authority. Now-a-days, the holy Scripture is abroad, the writings of the Apostles and Prophets are in print, whereby all truth and Catholic doctrine may be proved and all heresy may be disproved and confuted.

Since then they bring forth none of these for themselves, and call us nevertheless heretics, which have neither fallen from Christ, nor from the Apostles, nor yet from the Prophets, this is an injurious and a very spiteful dealing.

Sect. 2. With this sword did Christ put off the devil, when he was tempted of him : with these weapons ought all presumption which doth advance itself against God,' to be overthrown and conquered. For " all Scripture," saith St. Paul, " is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness : that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto all good works." Thus did the holy fathers always fight against the heretics with none other force than with the holy Scriptures.

St. Augustine, when he disputed against Pftilian, the Donatist heretic : " Let not these words," quoth he, "be heard between us, I say, or, You say: let us rather speak in this wise: Thus saith the Lord. There
let us seek the Church: there let us boult out the cause."'

Likewise St. Jerome : " All those things," saith he, " which without the testimony of the Scriptures are holden, as delivered from the Apostles, be thoroughly smitten down by the sword of God's word."

Augustine, or, as the name is often abbreviated, Austin, was bishop of Hippo, in Africa, in the early part of the fifth century. After a dissipated youth, he embraced the errors of the Manichees, which he renounced in his 32d year, being converted partly by the preaching of Amrrose, bishop of Milan, partly by the perusal of St. Paul's epistles. He was ordained priest in 388 or 389, and at the request of Valerius, then Bishop of Hippo, consecrated joint bishop of that diocese in 393.

His talents, and ardent disposition, rather than any extraordinary degree of learning, brought him forward prominently in the religious disputes of his day. In those with the Donatist schismatics, with his former associates the Manicheans, and with the Pelagians, he was the acknowledged champion of the Church. His zeal against the Pelagians drove him into the contrary extreme, and, his ignorance of the Greek language probably helping not a little, produced that system which, revived and set in its strongest light by Calvin, has derived its name from that reformer.

Austin is without doubt the most eminent, and perhaps the most useful of the later Latin fathers. His writings gave the tone to Luther's opinions, which afterwards led to his rejection of the entire body of Romish error.

St. Ambrose also, to Gratian the Emperor: " Let the Scripture," saith he, " be asked the question; let the Prophets be asked ; and let Christ be asked."

And had said that the same word afforded a sufficient confutation of those false pretensions. He then adds that other errors, pretending only' apostolical tradition' for their support, were irrefragably destroyed by the same ' sword of the Spirit.' The inference that he regarded pretended apostolical authority, unsupported by the Scriptures, as insufficient, remains as strong as though the reading in the text were correct. Jerome (in Latin Hieronymus) is, of all the Latin fathers, the most renowned for eloquence and learning. He was born at Stridon, a city in Pannonia, (now Hungary,) in 331. After travelling extensively, embracing a recluse life in a desert in Syria, and quitting it in consequence of persecution, he received holy orders, in Jerusalem, about the 45th year of his age, but with a stipulation on his own part, to be confined to the charge of no particular congregation. He subsequently visited Constantmople and Rome, in which last city he received the appointment of secretary to Damasus, then its bishop. At Rome he instructed several ladies of high rank in the languages and the Holy Scriptures. Fancied ill treatment from Siricius, the successor of Damasus, drove him again to Syria, where he resided in a monastery at Bethlehem, until his death in 420.

The works of Jerome are voluminous,, and diversified in their character and subjects. The best are those on Sacred literature, and his Epistles. The Latin translation of the Bible, recognized as the only authentic version by the Church of Rome, and known as the Vulgate, is his production.

Jerome's learning far surpassed both his judgment and his Christian temper. Meekness, and patience under injuries and opposition, formed a very small proportion of his character; and even his regard for truth was not always proof against the keenness of his resentment, or his thirst for victory.

Ambrose, as might be expected from the circumstances of his elevation to the episcopate, was a better moralist than theologian. His writings are full of warmth and practical devotion, but not distinguished for solidity or sound Scriptural knowledge.

For at that time made the Catholic fathers and bishops no doubt but that our religion might be proved out of the holy Scriptures. Neither were they ever so hardy as to take any for a heretic, whose error they could not evidently and apparently reprove by the self-same Scriptures. And we verily do make answer on this wise as St Paul did: " After the way which they call heresy so worship we the God of our fathers, believing all things which are written in the law and in the prophets" or in the Apostles' works."

Sect. 3. Wherefore if we be hereties, and they (as they would fain be called) be Catholics, why do they not as they see the fathers, which were catholic men, have always done ? Why do they not convince and master us by the divine Scriptures ? Why do they not call us again to be tried by them ? Why do they not lay before us how we have gone away from Christ, from the prophets, from the Apostles, and from the holy fathers ? Why are they afraid of it ? It is God's cause : why are they doubtful to commit it to the trial of God's word ? If we be hereties, which refer all our controversies unto the holy Scriptures, and report us to the selfsame words which we know were sealed by God himself, and in comparison of them set little by all other things, whatsoever may be devised by men; how shall we say to these folk, I pray you ? What manner of men be they; and how is it meet to call them, which fear the judgment of the holy Scriptures, that is to say, the judgment of God himself, and do prefer before them.

We deny not the learned fathers' expositions and judgments in doubtful cases of the Scriptures. We read them ourselves. We follow them. We embrace them. And, as I said before, we most humbly thank God for them. But thus we say, The same fathers' opinions and judgments, forasmuch as they are sometimes disagreeable one from another, and sometimes imply contrarieties and contradictions, therefore, alone and of themselves, without further authority and guiding of God's word, are not always sufficient warrants to change our Ikith. And thus the learned catholic fathers themselves have evermore taught us to esteem and to weigh the fathers.

Sect. 4. Men say that Sophocles, the tragic poet, when in his old days he was by his own sons accused before the judges for a doting and sottish man, as one that fondly wasted his own substance, and seemed to need a governor to see to him : to the intent he might clear himself of the fault, he came into the place of judgment, and when he had rehearsed before them his tragedy called Oedipus Colonceus, which he had written at the very time of his accusation, marvellous exactly and cunningly did ask the judges in his own behalf, whether they thought any sottish or doting man could do the like piece of work? In like manner, because these men take us to be mad, and impeach us for hereties, as men which have nothing to do, neither with Christ, nor with the Church of God ; we have judged it should be to good purpose, and not unprofitable, if we do openly and frankly set forth our faith, wherein we stand, and show all that confidence which we have in Christ Jesus, to the intent all men may see what is our judgment of every part of the Christian religion, and may resolve with themselves whether the faith which they shall see confirmed by the words of Christ, by the writings of the Apostles, by the testimonies of the catholic fathers, and by the examples of many ages, be but a certain rage of furious and mad men, and a conspiracy of hereties.

This, therefore, is our belief.

Jewel's "Apology for the Church of England:" Defense of the Reformed Faith (pp.21-25)

Bishop John Jewel's "Apology for the Church of Engand," a defense against the charge of schism by the schismatic Papists. The vigourous defense is profuse with Scriptures and a profound awareness of history. This is Chapters Three and Four, pages 21--20. The photo is the Salibury Cathedral.

The issues is : reasons for answering the charges against the Reformed. Given Jewel's background, it is noteworthy that he uses the term "the Reformed." The English Reformers were "Reformed." Further, the Council of Trent, Papist Paul IV and Julius III are referenced as background events.

Anglo-Romanists, Anglo-Papalists, and Anglo-Catholics need to get clear out--they're not (!) authentic Reformed Anglicans.

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CHAPTER III.

Reasons for Answering the Charges against the Reformed.

Sect. 1. Now, as for those things which by them liave been laid against us, in part they be manifestly false, and condemned so by their own judgments, which spake against them : partly again, though they be as false too, indeed, yet bear they a certain show and colour of truth, so as the reader (if he take not good heed) may easily be tripped and brought into error by them, especially when their fine and cunning tale is added thereunto. And part of them be of such sort, as we ought not to shun them as crimes, or faults, but to acknowledge and confess them, as things well done, and upon very good reason. For, shortly to say the truth, these folks falsely accuse and slander all our doings, yea, the same things which they themselves cannot deny but to be rightly and orderly done ; and for malice do so misconstrue and deprave all our sayings and doings, as though it were impossible that any thing could be rightly spoken or done by us. They should more plainly and sincerely have gone to work, if they would have dealt truly. But now they neither truly, nor sincerely, nor yet Christianly, but darkly and craftily charge and batter us with lies, and do abuse the blindness and fondness [silliness] of the people, together with the ignorance of princes, to cause us to be hated, and the truth to be suppressd.

This, lo ye, is the power of darkness, and of men which lean more to the amazed wondering of the rude multitude, and to darkness, than they do to truth and light; and, as St. Jerome saith, " do openly gainsay the truth, closing up their eyes, and will not see, for the nonce [designedly].'"' But we give thanks to the most good and mighty God, that such is our cause ; where-against (when they would fainest) they were able to utter no despite, but the same which might as well be wrested against the holy fathers, against the prophets, against the apostles, against Peter, against Paul, and against Christ himself.

Sect. 2. Now therefore, if it be lawful for those folks to be eloquent and fine-tongued in speaking of evil, surely it becometh not us in our cause, being so very good, to be dumb in answering truly ! For men to be careless what is spoken by them, and their own matter, be it never so falsely and slanderously spoken, (especially when it is such that the majesty of God, and the cause of religion, may thereby be damaged,) is the part, doubtless, of dissolute and reckless' persons, and of them which wickedly wink at the injuries done unto the name of God. For although other wrongs, yea, oftentime great, may be borne and dissembled of a mild and Christian man, yet he that goeth smoothly away, and dissembleth the matter, when he is nc-ted of heresy, Rufinus was wont to deny that man to be a Christian.m f We, therefore, will do the same thing which all laws— which Nature's own voice, doth command to be done; and which Christ himself did, in like case, when he was checked and reviled : to the intent we may put off from us these most slanderous accusations, and may defend soberly and truly our own cause and innocency.

Sect. 3. For Christ verily, when the Pharisees charged him with sorcery, as one that had some familiar spirits, and wrought many things by their help: " I," said he, " have not a devil; but I honour my Father, and ye do dishonour me."' And St. Paul, when Festus the lieutenant scorned him as a madman : " I," said he, " am not mad, most noble Festus ; but speak forth the words of truth and soberness." And the ancient Christians, when they were slandered to the people for man-killers, for adulterers, for committers of incest, for disturbers of the commonwealths ;. and did perceive that by such slanderous accusations the religion which they professed might be brought in question, namely, if they should seem to hold their peace, and in manner confess the fault; lest this might hinder the free course of the Gospel, they made orations, they put up supplications, and made means to [used influence with] emperors and princes, that they might defend themselves and their fellows in open audience.

Sect. 4. But we truly—seeing that so many thou-H sands of our brethren in these last twenty years have borne witness unto the truth,i in the midst of most painful torments that could be devised; and that when princes, desirous to restrain the Gospel, sought many ways, they prevailed nothing ; and that now almost the whole world doth begin to open their eyes to behold the light;—we take it, that our cause hath already been sufficiently declared and defended, and think it not needful to make many words, seeing the matter saith enough t for itself.

Sect. 5. For if the Popes would, or else if they could, weigh with their ownselves the whole matter, and also the beginnings and proceedings of our religion ; how in a manner all their travail hath come to nought, nobody driving it [the Reformation] forward, and without any worldly help ; and how, on the other side, our cause— against the will of emperors from the beginningr— against the will of so many kings—in spite of the Popes—and almost maugre the head [in direct opposition to the endeavours] of all men—hath taken increase, and by little and little spread over into all countries, and is come at length unto kings' courts and palaces :— these same things, methinks, might be tokens great enough to them, that God himself doth strongly fight in our quarrel, and doth from heaven laugh at their enterprizes; and that the force of the truth is such, as neither man's power, nor yet hell-gates, are able to root it out. For they be not all mad at this day, so many free cities, so many kings, so many princes, which have fallen away from the seat of Rome, and have rather joined themselves to the Gospel of Christ.

Sect. 6. And although the Popes had never hitherto leisure to consider diligently and earnestly of these matters ; or though some other cares do now let them, and divers ways pull them ; or though they count these to be but common and trifling studies, and nothing to appertain to the Pope's worthiness ; this maketh not why oux matter ought to seem the worse. Or if they perchance will not see that which they see indeed, but rather will withstand the known truth, ought we therefore by and by to be counted hereties, because we obey not their will and pleasure ?

Sect. 7. If so be that Pope Pius [the IV.] were the man, (we say not, which he vyould so gladly be called,) but if he were indeed a man that either would account us for his brethren, or at least would take us to be meri, he would first diligently have examined our reasons, and would have seen what might be said with us, what against us ; and would not in his Bull, whereby he latelypretended a council,' so rashly have condemned so great a part of the world—so many learned and godly men— so many commonwealths—so many kings—and so many princes, only upon his own blind prejudices and foredeterminations, and that without hearing of them speak, or without showing cause why.

Sect. 8. But because he hath already so noted [set a stigma upon] us openly—lest by holding our peace we should seem to grant a fault, especially because we can by no means have audience in the public assembly of the general council," wherein he would no creature should have power to give his voice, or to declare his opinion, except he were sworn, and straitly bound to maintain his [the Pope's] authority; (for we have had good experience hereof in the last conference at the Council of Trent, where the ambassadors and divines of the princes of Germany, and of the free cities, were quite shut out from their company ;—neither can we yet forget how Julius the third, above ten years past, provided warily, by his writ, that none of our sort should be suffered to speak in the council, except that there were some man peradventure that would recant, and change his opinion;) for this cause chiefly, we thought it good to yield up an account of our faith in writing and truly and openly to make an answer to those things wherewith we hare been openly 'charged; to the end the world may see Ihe parts and foundations of that doctrine in the behalf whereof so many good men have little regarded their own lives. And that all men may understand what manner of people they be, and what opinion they have of God and of religion, whom the Bishop of Rome, before they were called to tell their tale, hath condemned for hereties" without any good consideration, without any example, and utterly without law or right; only because he heard tell that they did dissent from him and his in point of religion.

Sect. 9. And although St. Jerome would have nobody to be patient when he is suspected of heresy, yet we will deal herein neither bitterly, nor babblingly; nor yet be carried away with anger and heat; though he ought to be reckoned neither bitter nor brabbler, that , speaketh the truth. We willingly leave this kind of eloquence to our adversaries; who, whatsoever they say against us, be it never so shrewdly or despitefully said, yet think it is said modestly and comely enough, and care nothing whether it be true or false. We need none of these shifts, which do maintain the truth.

Further, if we do show it plainly that God's holy Gospel, the ancient bishops, and the primitive Church, do make on our side ; and that we have not without just cause left these men, but rather have returned to the Apostles and old catholic fathers : and if we shall be found to do the same, not colourably, or craftily, but in good faith before God, truly, honestly, clearly, and plainly : and if they themselves which fly our doctrine, and would be called Catholies, shall manifestly see how all these titles of antiquity, whereof they boast so much, are quite shaken out of their hands, and that there is more pith in this our cause than they thought for:—we then hope and trust that none of them will be so negligent and careless of his own salvation, but he will at length study and bethink himself to whether part he were best to join him. Undoubtedly, except one will altogether harden his heart, and refuse to hear, he shall not repent him to give good heed to this our Defence, and to mark well what we say, and how truly and justly it agreeth with Christian religion.

Sect. 10. For where they call us Heretics, it is a crime so heinous, that unless it may be seen, unless it may be felt, and in manner may be holden with hands and fingers, it ought not lightly to be judged, or believed, when it is laid to the charge of any Christian. For heresy is a forsaking of salvation—a renouncing of God's grace—a departing from the body and spirit of Christ.

Sect. 11. But this was ever an old and solemn [accustomed] property with them and their forefathers : if any did complain of their errors and faults, and desired to have true religion restored; straightway to condemn such for heretics, as men new-fangled, and factious. Christ for no other cause was called a Samaritan, but only for that he was thought to have fallen to a certain new religion and to be the author of a new sect. And Paul, the Apostle of Christ, was called before the judges, to make answer to a matter of heresy; and therefore he said: "After the way which they call heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, believing all things which are written in the law and the prophets."3 [In short, all that religion which we Christians now profess, in the beginning of Christianity was, by the Pagans, called a sect or heresy.* With these words they filled the ears of princes, that when, out of prejudice they had once possessed their minds with an aversion for us, and that they were persuaded, that whatever we said was factious and heretical, they might be diverted from reflecting upon the thing itself, or even hearing or considering the cause.

John Jewel: Scriptura Ultima

THE AUTHORITY OF THE FATHERS.

But what say we of the Fathers, Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, Cyprian, &c.? What shall we think of them, or what account may we make of them ? They be interpreters of the word of God. They were learned men, and learned Fathers; the instruments of the mercy of God, and vessels full of grace. We despise them not, we read them, we reverence them, and give thanks unto God for them. They were witnesses unto the truth; they were worthy pillars and ornaments in the Church of God. Yet may they not be compared with the word of God. We may not build upon them: we may not make them the foundation and warrant of our conscience; we may not put our trust in them. Our trust is in the Name of the Lord.

And thus are we taught to esteem of the learned Fathers of the Church, by their own judgment; by that which they have written, either for the credit of their own doings, or of the authority which they have thought due to the writings of others. St. Augustine said of the Doctors and Fathers in his time; "Neither weigh we the writings of all men, be they never so worthy and catholic, as we weigh the canonical Scriptures; but that saving the reverence that is due unto them, we may mislike and refuse somewhat in their writings, if we find that they have thought otherwise, than the truth may bear. Such am I in the writings of others, and such would I wish others to be in mine." Some things I believe, and some things which they write I cannot believe. I weigh them not as the holy and canonical Scriptures. St. Cyprian was a Doctor of the Church, yet he was deceived: St. Jerome was a Doctor of the Church, yet he was deceived : St. Augustine was a Doctor of the Church, yet he wrote a book of Retractations, he acknowledged that he was deceived. God did therefore give to His Church many Doctors, and many learned men, who all should search the truth, and one reform another, wherein they thought him deceived. St. Augustine saith, " Take away from amongst us any of our own books; let the book of God come amongst us: hear what Christ saith: hearken what the truth speaketh'." He is the wisdom of His Father, He cannot deceive us. Again he saith; " Hear this, The Lord saith: hear not this, Donatus saith, or Rogatus, or Vincentius, or Hilary, or Ambrose, or Augustine saith'." All these were learned, most of them were holy: yet saith Augustine, we may not yield to that which is said by learned men, but we must yield our full consent and belief to the word of God. Origen saith, " We must needs call to witness the holy Scriptures; for our judgments and expositions, without those witnesses, carry no credit''." Mark well; our words and expositions and constructions, unless they be warranted by the Scriptures, are not enough, they carry not credit. §£. Augustine saith, " We offer no wrong to St. Cyprian, when we sever any of his letters or writings from the canonical authority of the holy Scriptures'." Thus speaketh St. Augustine, a Doctor of the Church, of St. Cyprian, another Doctor also of the Church. St. Cyprian was a Bishop, a learned Father, a holy man, and a Martyr of Christ: yet, saith St. Augustine, his word is not the Gospel; his word is not the word of God: there is no wrong done to him, though his writings carry not like credit as the holy Scripture.


I could shew many the like speeches of the ancient Fathers, wherein they reverence the holy Scriptures, as to which only they give consent without gainsaying: which can neither deceive nor be deceived. In this sort did Origen, and Augustine, and other Doctors of the Church, speak of themselves and of theirs, and the writings of others, that we should so read them, and credit them, as they agreed with the word of God. " This kind of writings is to be read, not with a necessity of believing them, but with a liberty to judge of them1." St. Paul saith, " Though that we, or an angel from Heaven, preach unto you otherwise than that which we have preached unto you, let him be accursed'." Out of which place, St. Augustine speaketh thus. " Whether it be of Christ, or of His Church, or of any thing else whatsoever, pertaining either to our life or to our faith: I will not say, if 1 myself, but, if an Angel from Heaven shall teach us otherwise than ye have received in the books of the Law and in the Gospels, hold him accursed"1."

Church: they are judges; they have the gifts of wisdom and understanding; yet they are often deceived. They are our fathers, but not fathers unto God: they are stars, fair, and beautiful, and bright, yet they are not the sun: they bear witness of the light, they are not the light. Christ is the Sun of righteousness, Christ is the light, which lighteneth every man that cometh into this world. His word is the word of truth. He is the Day-spring which hath visited us from on high: He came down from the bosom of His Father: He shall guide our feet into the way of peace. Of Him God the Father spake, " This is my beloved Son, in Whom I am well pleased; hear Him0." He is the Lamb without spot, out of His mouth goeth a two-edged sword. This is He in Whom all the ends of the world shall be blessed; hear Him, give heed to His saying, embrace His Gospel, believe His word. Thus much touching the credit and authority which is to be given to the writings of ancient Fathers.

St. Paul, speaking of the word of God, saith, " The whole Scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable to teach, to improve,

• Matt. iii. 17.

to correct, and to instruct in righteousness"1." To teach the truth, to improve falsehood, to correct all vice, to instruct in all virtue. Again; " I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ: for it is the power of God unto salvation to every one that believethV St. Basil saith," The Scripture of God is like an apothecary's shop, full of medicines of sundry sorts ; that every man may there choose a convenient medicine for his disease'." There are salves and ointments to cure all maladies. Whosoever cannot be cured by the word of God, his disease is grown desperate, and past cure.

Many think the Apostle's speech is hardly true of the whole Scripture, that all and every part of the Scripture is profitable. Much is spoken of genealogies, and pedigrees, of lepers, of sacrificing goats and oxen, &c. these seem to have little profit in them, but to be vain and idle. If they shew vain in thine eyes, yet hath not the Lord set them down in vain. " The words of the Lord are pure words, as the silver tried in a furnace of earth fined seven times'." There is no sentence,

P 2 Tim. iii. 16. 1 Rom. i. 16. ' Basil.

Prafat. in Psal. » Ps. xii. 6.

no clause, no word, no syllable, no letter, but it is written for thy instruction; there is not one jot, but it is sealed and signed with the blood of the Lamb. Our imaginations are idle, our thoughts are vain; there is no idleness, no vanity in the word of God. Those oxen and goats which were sacrificed, teach thee to kill and sacrifice the uncleanness and filthiness of thy heart: they teach thee, that thou art guilty of death, when thy life must be redeemed by the death of some beast: they lead thee to believe the forgiveness of sins, by a more perfect sacrifice, because " it was not possible that the blood of bulls and goats should take away sins'." That leprosy teacheth thee to know the uncleanness and leprosy of thy soul. Those genealogies and pedigrees lead us to the birth of our Saviour Christ. So that the whole word of God is pure and holy: no word, no letter, no syllable, no point or prick thereof, but is written and preserved for thy sake.

Art thou a king ? Read the Scriptures, thou shalt find who hath established thine estate, and what duty thou owest to God. God there ' Heb. x. 4.

telleth thee, " By Me kings rule, and princes decree justice"." I have given thee authority; thou carriest My sword. I have put a crown upon thy head; thou art My servant, walk before Me; let thy heart be perfect in My sight.

Art thou a subject ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee to know thy duty. There St. Paul biddeth thee, " Give tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour is due. Ye must be subject, not because of wrath only, but for conscience sake. For he beareth not the sword for nought; for he is the minister of God, to take vengeance on him that doth evil1."

Art thou a minister ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee thy duty. The prophet saith to thee, " Cry aloud, spare not; lift up thy voice like a trumpet, and shew My people their transgressions'." The Apostle saith unto thee, " Preach the word, be instant in season and out of season: watch in all things, do the work of an evangelist, make the ministry fully known1." Thou shalt give an

• Prov. viii. 15. *• Rom. xiii. 4. 1 Isaiah Iviii. 1. * 2 Tim. iv. 2, 5.

account for the souls of the people, their blood shall be required at thy hands.

Art thou a father? hast thou children? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " If thou have sons, instruct them"." Again : " He that teacheth his son, grieveth the enemy, and before his friends he shall rejoice of him. Give him no liberty in his youth, and wink not at his folly. Chastise thy child, and be diligent therein, lest his shame grieve thee"." Eli the prophet, " by sparing his wanton children, cast away himself and his children. They were slain, the Ark of God was taken, and old Eli fell down and brake his neckc."

Art thou a child ? hast thou a father ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " Children, obey your parents in the Lord; for this is right. Honour thy father and mother, which is the first commandment with promise, that it may be well with thee, and that thou mayest live long on the earthd." And again: " Children, obey your parents in all things, for it is well-pleasing unto the Lord'." The Wise

a Ecolus. vii. 23. b Ecclus. xxx. 3, 4, 18.

c 1 Sam. iv. 18. d Ephes. vi. 1, 2, 3. e Col. iii. 20.

Man warneth thee: " The eye that mocketh his father, and despiseth the instruction of his mother, let the ravens of the valley pluck it out, and the young eagles eat itf."

Hath God blessed thee in wealth? Art thou rich ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " Be not high minded, and trust not in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who giveth us abundantly all things to enjoy1." Again: " Trust not in oppression and robbery, be not rain: if riches increase, set not your heart thereon"." Thou shalt depart, and leave them behind thee; they shall forsake thee. Thou shalt die, thou knowest not how soon. Solomon sheweth thee " riches avail not in the day of wrath, but righteousness delivereth from death'."

Art thou poor, and sufferest scarcity in this world ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. Say with Job, " Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shall I return again"." Learn of Solomon, " Better is little with righteousness, than great revenues without equity'." And again: " Better is the poor that walkoth in his uprightness, than he that perverteth his ways, though he be rich1"." St. Paul saith, " Godliness is great gain, if a man be content with that he hath; for we brought nothing into the world, and it is certain that we carry nothing out"." And again: "Let him that is poor, labour, and work with his hands the thing which is good, that he may have to give to him that needeth."

f Prov. xxx. 17. 8 1 Tim. vi. 17. h Ps. Ixii. 10. ' Prov. xi. 4. * Job i. 21. 1 Prov. xvi. 8.

Art thou a merchant? usest thou to buy and sell ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " This is the will of God, that no man oppress or defraud his brother in any matter0." Thou shalt learn, " that divers weights and divers measures are abomination unto the Lord, and deceitful balances are not goodp."

Art thou an usurer ? Thy case is hard: yet hear the Scriptures, they will teach thee. God commandeth thee thus: " If thou lend money to My people, to the poor with thee, thou shalt not be as an usurer unto him: ye shall not oppress him with usury*1." Again: " If thy brother be impoverished, and fallen in decay with thee, thou shalt relieve him; thou

"» ProY. xxviii. 6. n 1 Tim. vi. 6,7. e 1 Thess. iy. 6. f Prov. xx. 10, 23. 1 Exod. Xxii. 25.

shalt take no usury of him, nor vantage: thou shalt not lend him thy victuals for increase, but thou shalt fear thy God, that thy brother may live with thee'." And, " whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, even so do ye to them'." And, " he that giveth his money unto usury, shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven'."

Art thou a fornicator, and livest in adultery? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " He that committeth fornication," saith St. Paul, " sinneth against his own body. Know you not that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost? Know you not that your bodies are the members of Christ? Shall I then take the members of Christ, and make them the members of an harlot? God forbid1." " As He Who hath called you is holy, so be ye holy in all manner of conversation," saith St. Peter1. The reason is set down by St. Paul; " For this is the will of God, even your holiness, and that you should abstain from fornication V that you may " be holy both in body and in spirit." And, " whoremongers and adulterers God will judge1;" they shall have no inheritance in the kingdom of Christ and of God.

' Lev. xxv. 35, 3G. • S. Mat. vii. 12. ' Ps. xv. 5. * 1 Cor. vi. 18, 19, 15. * 1 S. Pet. i. 15. 1 \ Thess. iv. 3.

Art thou a servant ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " Servants, be obedient unto them that are your masters according to the flesh, in all things, not with eye service, as men pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing God. And whatsoever ye do, do it heartily as unto the Lord, and not unto men'." Again: " Please your masters, not answering again : be no pickers, but shew all good faithfulness, that you may adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour in all things"."

Art thou proud ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " Be not high minded, but fearc." " What hast thou, that thou hast not received? If thou hast received it, why rejoicest thou as though thou hadst not received it0?" And, " Learn of Me, that I am meek, and humble in heart6." And, " God resisteth the proud, but giveth grace to the humble f."

Art thou in adversity ? Read the Scriptures. " Great are the troubles of the righteous, but the Lord will deliver him out of them all'." And, " he shall call upon me, and I will hear him; I will be with him in trouble. I will deliver him, and glorify himb." And St. Peter telleth thee, " The eyes of the Lord are over the righteous, and His ears are open to their prayers'." " God is faithful, Who will not suffer you to be tempted above that ye are able, but will give the issue with the temptation, that ye may be able to bear if." " The Lord is near unto all them that call upon Him; yea, to all that call upon Him in truth1."

1 Heb. xiii. 4. » Col. iii. 22, 23. b Titus ii. 9, 10. e Rom. xi. 20. d 1 Cor. iv. 7. • S. Matt. xi. 29.

' S. James iv. 6.

Art thou a sinner? hast thou offended God? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " Hate the evil, and love the goodTM." And again : " Fly from evil, and do good, and dwell for ever"." " Rise up, and go to thy Father, and say unto Him, Father, I have sinned against heaven and before Thee, and am no more worthy to be called thy son0."

Dost thou despair of the mercy of God?

8 Ps. xxxiv. 19. b Ps. xci. 15. ' 1 S. Pet. iii. 12. k 1 Cor. x. 13. 1 Ps. cxlv. 18. m Amos v. 15.

n Ps. xxxvii. 27. 0 S. Luke xv. 21.

Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. Christ telleth thee, " I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentancep." Again: " Come unto Me, all ye that are weary and laden, and I will ease you '." " At what hour soever a sinner doth repent him of his sin from the bottom of his heart, I will put all his wickedness out of My remembrance, saith the Lord'." Again: " I de*ire not the death of the wicked, but that the wicked turn from his way, and live'." And, " The Lord is good to all, and His mercies are over all His works'." Art thou going out of this life ? Read the Scriptures, they will teach thee. " I am the Resurrection and the Life; he that believeth in Me, though he were dead, yet shall he live; and whosoever liveth and believeth in Me, shall never die 0." Say with St. Paul, " Christ is to me, both in life and in death, advantage: I desire to be loosed, and to be with Christ1." What should I say more of the Scriptures, how profitable and comfortable they be in all cases and parts of our life? in adversity, in

P S. Mat. ix. 13. 1 S. Mat. xi. 28. ' Ezekiel xviii. 21,22. 'Ezekielxxxiii.il. ' Ps. cxlv. 9. u S. John xi. 25, 26. * Phil. i. 20, 23.

prosperity, in life, and in death, they are our especial comfort. If we must fight, they are a sword; if we hunger, they are meat; if we thirst, they are drink; if we have no dwellingplace, they are a house; if we be naked, they are a garment; if we be in darkness, they be light unto our going.

They are comfortable to kings, to subjects, to old men, to young men, to man and to wife, to father and to child, to master and servant, to captain and soldier, to preacher and people, to the learned, to the unlearned, to the wise, and to the simple.

They are comfortable in peace, in war, in heaviness, in joy, in health and sickness, in abundance, in poverty, in the day time, in the night season, in the town, in the wilderness, in company, and when thou art alone. For they teach faith, hope, patience, charity, sobriety, humility, righteousness, and all godliness. They teach us to live, and they teach us to die.

Therefore hath St. Paul said well, " The whole Scripture is profitable1." It is full of great comfort. It maketh the man of God absolute and perfect unto all good works. Perfect in faith, perfect in hope, perfect in the love of God, and of his neighbour: perfect in his life, and perfect in his death. So great, so large and ample, and heavenly, is the profit which we do reap by the word of God.

1 2 Tim. iii. 16.

Here is the whole thing...
http://books.google.com/books?id=pNwDAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA80&dq=John+Jewell+books&cd=3#v=onepage&q=&f=false

Memoir of Bp. John Jewel: Part Three

Bishop John Jewel of Salisbury.

Free and available at:
http://books.google.com/books?id=l17TMgynV8IC&pg=PA1&dq=john+jewel&output=text#c_top

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footnote. • It is certain, from one of his letters, that he had not gone to his diocese, May 22. The correspondence with Cole closed in July, and was published by Jewell in August. November 2, he had been in hi* diocese ' some time.' Burnet, Hist. ofRef. III. 293.

footnote. ' He preached at St. Paul's April 13, 1561. Strype.

benefices under his control." Yet he was still more careful to show, by the manner in which he applied those revenues, that he considered himself but as a usufructuary, and strictly accountable to God and to the Church for their employment. The relief of the poor, the maintenance of needy students, the augmentation of insufficient livings in his diocese, the recompense of preachers to supply the more pressing wants of destitute parishes ;—such were the objects to which he devoted his episcopal income, little diminished by the maintenance of his frugal household, and nothing by expenditure upon himself.

His doors were always open to the poor ; and he was at all times ready to listen to their complaints, and, if in his power, afford or procure relief. His bounty to the needy among his foreign friends has already been mentioned. Even the prisons were objects of his watehful benevolence, which frequently provided necessaries for their suffering inmates.

The decay of learning, especially among the clergy, and the extreme want of well-educated pious men to fill the many vacant cures, was a common subject of lamentation at that period, among all who felt anxiety for the growth of true religion. Jewell continually introduces it in his sermons, with the most pathetic and stirring exhortations to all possessed of influence and wealth, to employ those gifts for the advancement of God's glory by the restoration of sound learning and the maintenance of a competent clergy. His own example was the best enforcement of these exhortations. Six poor youths were constantly maintained in his family, and educated under his own eye. His greatest—. almost his only, recreation, was to witness their debates on the subjects of their studies, to moderate, and to assist, while he enjoyed his frugal meal. Beside these,

footnote. u As an instance of this, it is related that a person at court, having by some means obtained the control of a prebend in Salisbury cathedral, and being anxious to transfer it to another layman, applied to Bishop Jewell for his confirmation of the project; adducing the opinions of several lawyers in its favor. ' What your lawyers may answer,' was the bishop's reply, ' I know not: but for my part, to my power, I will take care that my church shall sustain no loss while I live,' Featly's Life, p. 8.

several more were maintained at the University by his bounty, and fostered into piety and scholarship by his paternal counsels and supervision. The immortal Hooker was among the number of these beneficiaries, from the very commencement of Jewell's bounties with his entrance on his office. Seven years he received from the good bishop a yearly pension for his schooling ; and in 1567, was sent, under his patronage, to Oxford ; the stipend being still continued, and eked out to a sufficient maintenance by college promotions, obtained by the bishop's interest."

The administration of justice in the ecclesiastical and temporal courts, occupied no inconsiderable portion of Jewell's time. The former he did not think it right to intrust to his chancellor, the officer who presided as his representative ; but in person investigated the abuses for

footnote. » Izaak Walton's simple narrative of the last interview of the young student with his kind protector, is too interesting to be omitted. During the last year of Jewell's life, Hooker had been two months dangerously ill. " As soon as he was perfectly recovered from his sickness, he took a journey from Oxford to Exeter, to satisfy and see his good mother, beingaccompanied wit ha countryman and companion of his own college, and both on foot; which was then either more in fashion, or want of money, or their humility made it so: But on foot they went, and took Salisbury in their way, purposely to see the good bishop, who made Mr. Hooker and his companion dine with him at his own table; which Mr. Hooker boasted of with much joy and gratitude, when he saw his mother and friends: and at the bishop's parting with him, the bishop gave him good counsel, and his benediction, but forgot to give him money ; which when the bishop had considered, he sent a servant in all haste to call Richard back to him; and at Richard's return, the bishop said to him, ' Richard, I sent for ' you back to lend you a horse which hath carried me many a mile, and ' I thank Gon, with much ease;' and presently delivered into his hand a walking-stafT, with which he professed he had travelled through many parts of Germany.—And he said, ' Richard, I do not give, but lend ' you my horse ; be sure you be honest, and bring my horse back to me a t ' your return this way to Oxford. And I do now give you ten groats, ' to bear your charges to Exeter; and here is ten groats more, which I ' charge yon to deliver to your mother, and tell her, I send hera bishop's ' benediction with it, and beg the continuance of her prayers for me. ' And if you bring my horse back to me, I will give you ten groats ' more, to carry you on foot to the college : and so Gcd bless you, my ' good Richard.'

footnote. " And this, you may believe, was performed by both parties. But alas! the next news that followed Mr. Hooker to college was, that his teamed and charitable patron had changed this for a better life."— Walton's Lives, ed. Zoucn, 4to. p. 812, s.

which the so-called spiritual courts had become notorious, and applied the proper remedies as far as was in his power. In the temporal courts he deemed it his duty to be often present, in discharge of his official functions as a justice of the peace; though he is said to have seldom intermeddled, except when his opinion was asked concerning some religious or ecclesiastical matter. But the purely spiritual duties of his office were those in which he most delighted, and to which he devoted the greatest portion of his time. To preach the word of God himself, and to see that it was preached by others in sincerity and power, he deemed the great business of his life, and acted up to that persuasion.— He suffered no opportunity of discharging this duty to pass unembraced ; in his cathedral, in the parishes near his residence, in his frequent visitations of his diocese, in his visits to particular districts, nay even in the courts of justice, he was constantly employed in declaring and enforcing the word of God. His sermons at Paul's Cross—the watch-tower of the Church—have been already mentioned ; they were continued, whenever he visited the metropolis, to the very year of his death. His frequent and earnest exhortations to his clergy, to candidates for orders, to communicants, and even to persons about to give evidence in court, are recorded by his biographer." A fragment of his stated courses of sermons on the nature and uses of the Sacraments, delivered in his cathedral church, is handed down to us in a posthumous work.* His full and continuous expositions of the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments, delivered in the same way, are known only by name. In the Expositions of the Epistles to the Thessalonians,y we have a specimen of the groundwork of his expository lectures on those epistles, Galatians, First Peter, a great part of the Book of Acts, and

footnote. » Humfredi Vita, p. 110.

footnote. * A Treatise of the Sacraments, gathered out of certain Sermons, which the Reverend Father in Gon, Bishop Jewell, preached at Salisbury, published, with thirteen entire sermons, ' preached before the Queen's Majesty, at Paul's Cross, and elsewhere,' by Garrrand, in 1583.

footnote. J These were, according to Humphrey, almost his latest occupation—' fere in Sarisburiensi ecclesia postrema cantio.' They were not published until 1594, when they appeared in 8vo.

the Epistles and Gospels for all the Sundays and festivals in the year. The Treatise of the Holy Scriptures, and the View of a Seditious Bull sent into England, (the Bull of Pius IV. excommunicating and pretending to dethrone Elizabeth,) are additional relics of his indefatigable pastoral labours.

Great as those labours were, there was need of them all. ' In doing this work and treading this press,' says Humphrey in his quaint style,' 'he was almost alone. He had few assistants in his diocese, who either could or would share his labours. So great was the scarcity of faithful evangelists; so extreme the want of labourers in the Lord's vineyard !' It was when exhorted to procure assistance in these arduous exertions, and reminded of Jethro's advice to Moses, that he made the reply already quoted, pleading the insufficiency of his revenues to procure substitutes on whom a portion of his personal labours might be devolved.

Such were the occupations in the midst of which he composed those controversial writings that have perpetuated his fame, and raised an imperishable monument to his learning and his talents.

The Convocation in 1562-3 caused a considerable interruption in Jewell's pastoral labours. It is certain that he took an active part in its proceedings; although what that part was, is not recorded. He was one of the compilers of the second Bodk of Homilies, but which are fromhis penhasnotbeen specified. Whetherhe was concerned in the revision of the Articles is uncertain, although the part assigned him in their official publication in 1571/ renders it probable that he was. It is equally unascertained whether he was one of the translators of what is called the Bishop's Bible, from its having been the production of several of the bishops under the direction of Archbishop Parker.

He was occupied in this interval with a thorough visitation of his diocese, in which he personally examined all his officiating clergy, gave them directions for their studies and conduct, and even in some cases prescribed portions of Scripture, and religious tracts, to be committed to memory by the more ignorant. The Reply to Hardino's Answer to his Challenge was the fruit of his leisure moments, during these avocations.

The visit to London in 1565 appears to have been made for the purpose of committing the Reply to the press.k It was followed by an excursion to Oxford, where Jewell enjoyed the distinguished honor of presiding in the Divinity Schools in the exercises on occasion of the Queen's visft, August 81; and was at the same time created Doctor of Divinity.

His attention appears, from his letters, to have been much occupied about this time with the increasing differences relative to the vestments. He continued in his opinion of the worthlessness of the subject of dispute, and freely expressed his own ' wish that every, even the smallest, vestige of Popery were removed from the churches, and much more from men's minds.'" Yet he could not but regard the clamorous discontent of the Puritans with disapprobation: ' some brethren,' says he, ' contend about it, as if the whole of their religion consisted in that one point;' and adds, that such persons 'rather desert their functions, and leave churches empty, than depart in the least from their opinions, and refuse to be moved by the learned writings of the foreign divines.'d Consistently

(just the time which had elapsed since the Convocation) since he had seen either of his old associates and intimates, Parkhurst, Hooper, Sampson, Sandys, Lever, or Chambers. .

footnote. k The Preface is dated the 6th of August. The sermon in which Jewell announced its publication, and recapitulated its arguments, was preached on the 8th of July preceding.

footnote. « Letter to Bullinger, Feb. 8, 1566.

footnote. i Letter to Bullinger, Feb. 24, 1567.—The Swiss divines had been consulted by both parties on this matter, P. Martyr and Bucer, consulted by the bishops, expressed themselves decidedly in favour of the garments, Bullinger and Walter—appealed to, with much rnipo£ tunity, by Sampson and Humphrey, leaders of the Puritans, in benatt of the whole body—expressed themselves almost with contempt for the controversy; seeming no to like the vestments, but declaring, repeatedly, without hesitation, that they were things indirTerent—no cause for schism.

with these views, we find him, in a letter to Archbishop Parker, dated Dec. 22, 1565, refusing to admit Humphrey, (who, although one of the steadiest, if not the most zealous, among the Puritans, was Jewell's warm personal friend, and afterward his biographer,) to a living in the diocese of Salisbury which had been given him by their mutual friend Home, bishop of Winchester —on the ground of his conduct relative to the vestments, which Jewell calls ' a vain contention,' and adds that 'long sufferance' of such as Humphrey 'bred great offence.'e

In these sentiments the good bishop was rather confirmed than shaken by reflection and experience. One of the latest of his public acts was a sermon preached at Paul's Cross during the Convocation in 1571, from Rom. xii. 16, 17, 18, in which he warmly reproved the Puritans :—in what spirit, let the reader judge from its closing paragraphs.

' O, ye that sometime were brethren, but now mortal ' enemies—ye that sometime ware this badge, this cogni' zance of Christ's peace, which now ye have cast from ' you: O how long will you dwell in dissension ? I have ' done my part; I have called you to peace, I have called 'you to love, I have called you to unity: do you how ' your parts ; do you ensue after peace, love you each ' other, continue ye in unity together. I have not the ' keys of your hearts ; I am not able to loose"and open ' those stony hearts of yours: God make you all one,

footnote. • Strype, Annals, I. 421.—Grindal, then bishop of London, explains the seeming inconsistency between his own and Jewell's occasional expressions of dislike to the vestments, and their conduct toward the Puritans, in a letter to Bullinger, Aug. 27, 1566. "We," he says, " who are now bishops, on our first return, before we assumed our ministerial office, contended earnestly for a long time to have these matters now in contention entirely abolished. But as we could not carry our point with the Queen and Parliament, we judged it better, on consultation, not to desert the churches for the sake of a few rites, and those not in themselves ungodly ; especially as the pure doctrine of the Gospel was left us entire and free.—And as yet we have not repented of our determination.-But these unseasonable contentions relative to! things in themselves indifferent, (as far as I am able to judge,) tend not to edification, but to the division of the Church, and to sow discord among brethren." Cited by Burnet, Hist, of Ref. Vol, IIL P, ui. B,VI.p,362,

footnote. 'God mollify your hearts, God make you friends, God ' grant you to love as brethren together !

footnote. 4 Let us lay aside this pride of our hearts; let us not be ' wise in our own opinions; let us not requite evil with

footnote. • evil; let us as much as may be, have peace with all ' men. Alas, it is no great thing that I require of you !

footnote. * I require only your love; I require your friendship ' one towards another; I ask no more but that your ' hearts be joined in mutual love and unity together. ' Alas! it is a thing that soon may be granted of such ' as pray together, of such as have one Heavenly Father, ' ofsuchasare partakers of Christ's holy sacraments, of ' such as profess Christ, and will be called Christians !

' Oh, how canVe pray our heavenly Father to forgive ' us, if we will not forgive our brother wherein he tres' passeth against us ? How can we with clear conscience ' come unto the holy Communion, and be partakers of ' Christ's most holy body and blood, if we are not in 4 charity with our own neighbour ? Let us therefore lay ' aside all discord, without hypocrisy; let us lay aside ' all malice, without dissimulation; let us all join to' gether in brotherly love; let us be of like affection one ' towards another : but let us not be high-minded; let us ' make ourselves equal to them of the lower sort. So ' shall we make our bodies a quick and lively sacrifice. 4 So shall we make them acceptable unto God. So shall 4 we be reconciled unto God, and God reconciled unto 4 us. And finally, so shall we, which are called Christians, 4 be known to be God's servants and such as profess the ' name of Christ, if we shall be found to have this peace 4 and brotherly love, which is the badge and cognizance ' of Christ : and so shall God be ours and remain with 4 us for ever. Amen.'

About the time of the composition of this sermon, Jewell also drew up a paper of remarks on Cartwrioht's objections to the ecclesiastical offices of Archbishop and Archdeacon, designed for the use of Whitoift, and published in his Answer to the Admonition.' Both the sermon and the remarks were bitterly reflected on by

footnote. ' They are also preserved by Stryte, Life of Whitgift, App. Book I.

Cartwright, after the writer's death; and as warmly defended by Whitgift.*

In 1567, Jewell was again in London, probably on occasion of the publication of his Defence of the ' Apology.' As usual he preached at Paul's Cross during his stay; and, as was almost equally a matter of course, his sermon was the occasion of a fresh attack by his old adversaries. h

In 1571, he attended the Convocation held in April, and took a decided part in the resistance made to the encroachments of the Puritans. His motion for the publication of the Articles, which was connected with the archbishop's requisition of a general subscription; and his sermon at Paul's Cross, have been already mentioned.

Little more is known of the closing years of Jewell's life. Passed in a constant round of duty and close occupation, his days presented little interesting matter for the pen of the biographer. He had gathered a noble library of theological authors of every age and class. In this he spent almost all the time not employed in preaching or in episcopal visitations. He rose early, and after his devotions, was accustomed to shut himself in his library, where he was not easily to be seen until eight o'clock, when a bowl of broth, or an egg, was brought him for his breakfast. His dinner was plain, but plentifully set, and hospitably served to the guests and inmates of his family. For himself, his delicate

footnote. E " They (the Puritans) will not stick in commending themselves to deface all others; yea, even that notable Jewell, whose both labour and learning they do envy, and amongst themselves deprave; as I have heard with mine own cars, and a number more besides.

footnote. " For further proof whereof I do refer you to the report that this faction spread of him after his last sermon at St. Paul's Cross: because he did confirm the doctrine before preached by a famous and learned man touching obedience to the prince and the laws. It was strange to me to hear so notable a bishop, so learned a man, so stout a champion of true religion, so painful a prelate, so ungratefully and spitefully used by a sort of wavering, wicked, and wretehed tongues :—but it is their manner, be ye never so well learned, never so painful, so zealous, so virtuous, all is nothing with them, but they will deprave you and spread false rumours, as though you were the vilest person upon earth." Writgift, as quoted by Isaacson, Life of Jewell, p. lxvi. lxvii.

footnote. » In a work by Dormax, entitled A Request to M. Jewell that he keep his promise made by solemn protestation in his late Sermon at St. Paul's Cross, 15th June 1567, Louvain, 1567, 8vo.

health confined him to an extremely low and abstemious diet. The Bible in English was always read during the early part of this meal; the remainder was seasoned with the master's cheerful conversation and urbane attentions to his guests and dependents; or, not unfrequently, diversified by the literary exercises of his beneficiaries. Dinner ended, he devoted a stated portion of time to hearing causes, or arbitrating differences, if any offered. Study succeeded this employment. At nine in the evening, the whole family was assembled, and after joint prayer he examined its members On the way in which they had passed the day, and reproved, rebuked, exhorted, or instructed them, singly or collectively, according to their need. His private devotions then closed the day, and he retired to bed, where he heard some favorite author read until he fell asleep.

Such was the even tenor of Jewell's course of unremitting toil. Under such continual wear, his body, never strong in constitution, fell into premature decay, and his useful life was terminated when he had hardly reached the borders of old age.

The end was befitting such a life. It would be injustice to give the account of it in any other than the quaint simplicity of his first English biographer.

" By his restless labours and watchful cares he brought his feeble body so low, that as he rode to preach at Lacock in Wiltshire, a gentleman friendly admonished him to return home for his health's sake, saying, ' that such straining"his body in riding and preaching, being so exceeding weak and ill affected, might bring him in danger of his life;' assuring him, 'That it was better the people should want one sermon, than be altogether deprived of such a preacher. To whom he replieth, 'It becometh hest a bishop to die preaching in the pulpit:' alluding peradventure to the apopthegm of Vespasian, Oportet imperatorem stantem rtiori; (It behoveth an emperor to die standing;) and seriously thinking upon the comfortable eulogy of his Master, Happy art thou, my servant, if when I come, I find thee so doing. Wherefore, that he might not deceive the people's expectation, he ascendeth the pulpit, and, now nothing but spirit (his flesh being pined away and exhausted,) reads his text out of the fifth to the Galalians—' Walk in the spirit'—and with much pain makes an end of it. " Presently after sermon, his disease growing more upon him, forced him to take his bed, and to think of his dissolution, now not far off. In the beginning of his extreme fits he made his will; considering therein his brother J. Jewell and his friends with some kind remembrances, but bestowing the rest more liberally upon his servants, scholars, and the poor of Sarum. The Saturday following, nature with all her forces (being able no longer to hold fight with the disease) shrinking and failing, he calleth all his household about him, and after an exposition of the Lord's Prayer, Cantator cygneus funeris ipse sui, (swanlike, singing his own funereal song,) thus beginneth his sweet song :—" ' I see I am now to go the way, and I feel the arrows of death already fastened in my body ; wherefore I am desirous in few words, while yet my most merciful God vouchsafeth me the use of my tongue, to speak unto you all. It was my prayer always unto Almighty God, since I had my understanding, that I might honour his name with the sacrifice of my flesh, and confirm his truth with the oblation of this my body unto death in the defence thereof; which seeing he hath not granted me in this, yet I somewhat rejoice and solace myself, that it is worn away and exhausted in the labours of my holy calling. For while I visit the people of God, God, my God, hath visited me with M. Harding, who provoked me first. I have contended in my writings, not to detract from his credit and estimation, nor to patronize any error to my knowledge, nor to gain the vain applause of the world ; but according to my poor ability to do my best service to God and his Church. My last sermon at Paul's Cross, and conference about the ceremonies and state of our Church, were not to please any man living, nor to grieve any of my brethren who are of a contrary opinion ; but only to this end, that neither part might prejudice the other, and that the love of God might be shed in the hearts of the brethren, through the Spirit that is given us. And I beseech Almighty God of his infinite mercy to convert or confound the head of all these evils and ringleader of all rebellions, disorders, and schisms, the bishop of * Rome, who, wheresoever he setteth foot, soweth seeds < of strife and contentions. I beseech him also long to "preserve the Queen's Majesty, to direct and protect her ' council, to maintain and increase godly pastors, and to

footnote. * grant to his whole Church unity and godly peace. ' Also I beseech you all that are about me, and all others 'whom I ever offended, to forgive me. And now that ' my hour is at hand, and all my moisture dried up, I ' most earnestly desire of you all this last duty of love— ' to pray for me, and help me with the ardency of your

footnote. * affection, when you perceive me through the infirmity ' of my flesh to languish and wax cold in my prayers. « Hitherto I have taught you and many other; now the

footnote. * time is come wherein I may and desire to be taught

footnote. * and strengthened by every one of you.'

footnote. "Having thus spoken, and something more to the like purpose, with much pain and interruption, he desired them to sing the 71st Psalm, (which begins thus, In thee, O Lord, put I my trust; let me never be confounded,) himself joining as well as he could with them : and when they recited those words—Thou art my hope, O Lord God, my trust even from my youth—he added, ' Thou only wast my whole hope !' and as they went forward, saying, Cast me not off in the time of age, forsake me not when my strength faileth me ; yea even to mine old age and gray head, forsake me not, O God !— he made this application to himself; ' He is an old man, he is truly gray headed, and his strength faileth him, who lieth on his death-bed:' to which he added other thick and short prayers, as it were pulses, so moved by the power of God's Spirit; saying, 'lord, take from me my spirit!'—' Lord, now let thy servant depart in peace!'—'Break off all delays!'—' Suffer thy servant to come unto thee!'—' Command him to be with thee !'—' Lord receive my spirit!'

" Here, when one of those who stood by prayed, with tears, That, if it might stand with God's good pleasure, He would restore him to former health; Jewell overhearing him turned his eyes, as it were, offended, and spake to him in the words of S. Amrrose— ' I have not lived so, that I am ashamed to live longer ; ' neither do I fear to die, because we have a merciful ' Lord. A crown of righteousness is laid up for me.

Christ is my righteousness. Father, let thy will be ' done ! thy will, I say, and not my will, which is imper' feet and depraved. O Lord, confound me not! This ' is my To-day, this day quickly let me come unto thee! ' this day let me see the Lord Jesus.'—With these words the door was shut by the base sound of the grinding, and the daughters of singing were abased, the silver cord lengthened no more, the golden ewer was cracked, and the piteher broken at the well: yet the keepers, though with much trembling, stood erect, and they that looked out of the windows, though dark, yet were fixed toward heaven; till after a few fervent inward prayers of devotion, and sighs of longing desire, the soul returned to God that gave it. Mr. Ridley, the steward of his house, shut his eyes, in the year of our Lord, 1571, September 22d, about three of the clock in the afternoon, Ann. at. almost 50."'

Such was the peaceful end of this true Christian minister. It took place at Monkton-Farley, one of his episcopal residences, in the twelfth year of his episcopate. Seldom has the Church militant lost a brighter ornament, or a more faithful soldier. Seldom has one who died, if age be the standard of maturity, so prematurely, left such enduring monuments of usefulness while he lived, and usefulness to posterity.

Jewell's funeral sermon was preached at Oxford by Giles Laurence, an old associate and esteemed friend ; Laurence Humphrey, President of Magdalen College, and Regius Professor of Divinity, a still older and dearer friend, who had been requested -to perform the office, being absent from the University on account of the plague.

That learned man, however, amply compensated the loss of his services on that occasion, by acceding to the earnest request of Archbishop Parker, and Sandys,

footnote. i Featly's Life, prefixed to the folio edition of Jewell's Work; 1611: page 10—12.—This account is confirmed, in substance, by the more brief relation which John Garrrand prefixed to his edition of Jewell's posthumous treatises. Garrrand was one of Jewell's beneficiaries, enjoyed a prebend in the bishop's own cathedral, was present at his death-bed, and seems to have been legatee of his manuscripts; since he not only published some, but by will left others, with his own extracts from Jewell's common-place books, to John Rainolds and Robert Chaloner.—Wood.

bishop of London, that he would transmit to posterity a record of the virtues and labours of their deceased friend. His Life of Jewell, in Latin—a loose and rambling production, but written in an easy style, and replete with interesting matter—appeared in quarto, in 1573: and to it we are indebted for almost every thing that is known of Jewell's personal histos-y. It is accompanied by no less than nine and twenty pages of verses in Jewell's praise, in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, by Thomas Wilson, the queen's Almoner; John Woolley, her Latin Secretary; Nowell, dean of St. Paul's; Thomas Bickly; William Cole ; Herbert Westphaling ; Giles Laurence; Adam Squier ; Arthur Yeldard ; Tobias Matthew, soon after archbishop of York; Edward Cradock; Oliver Withington ; Martin Culpepper ; Sir Thomas Bodley ; Lawrence Bodley; Thomas Norton; John Rainolds ; P. Le Villier, of Paris; Buchanan, the celebrated poet and historian; Daniel Roger ; Charles Mignot, of Rouen : John Brossier, of Vendome ; M. De la Faie; Robert Roll; Sir Henry Cotton; Ralph Walter, of Zurich; T. G.; Henry Knivett; Robert Onslow; Samuel Cranmer; and For, the Martyrologist. The estimation in which the departed had been held, maybe inferred from the number, eminence, and various countries of these eulogists.

Beside the works already mentioned in this Memoir, Jewell published a Letter to Scipio, a Venetian Noble, concerning the causes why the English Bishops did not meet in the Council at Trent, written in the Latin tongue. It contained, as the title imports, a statement of the reasons which induced Elizabeth to determine on refusing to take any part in the Council, summoned by Pius IV. to meet anew in Trent in 1562; and was, like the Apology, an authenticated declaration of the views and principles of the Church of England—so far as related to its particular subject. The Venetian noble to whom it is addressed, had formed an acquaintance with Jewell during his exile,k and had written a sort of expostulatory letter to his friend, on the refusal of England to concur in a measure which, many on both sides even yet thought, might end in the reconciliation of the existing differences. Jewell's reply is little more than an enlargement of the eleventh chapter of the Apology, drawn up in a noble strain of independent and manly eloquence. It was probably composed about the same time as the Apology, and published not long before.1

The View of a Seditious Bull sent'into England from Pius IV., Bishop of Rome, Anno 1559. Delivered in certain Sermons in the Cathedral Church of Sarum, 1570; was a posthumous publication by Garrrand, issued together with the Treatise of the Scriptures, in 1582. It is interesting, as being Jewell's latest controversial production; and still more so, as furnishing a specimen of the manner in which he deemed it his duty to guard his flock against error, in his pulpit instructions.

In addition to these works, published before and since his death, he left a great mass of papers, the fruit of his long and unwearied studies. Beside the expository lectures already mentioned, and his college abstracts and notes of lectures, there were numerous volumes of common-places and collections, into which it had been his invariable habit to digest every thing he read, and a number of little ' manuals,' or 'diaries,'TM one of which he had always carried about him, ready to note any remarkable saying, quotation, event, or suggestion, which might occur in his daily intercourse. These were all in short-hand, and thus unfortunately useless, except to one or two of his most intimate associates, to whom he had taught his system of short-hand notation, which was his own invention.

To the same cause, probably, we owe the loss of his numerous sermons, with the exception of the few published." He was not, it is true, in the habit of writing them out fully before preaching, even on the most important occasions; as is evident from his famous Sermon at Paul's Cross, which he professed to publish as written from memory, after its delivery. Yet he never allowed himself to enter the pulpit, even of the humblest parish church, without much previous preparation, in which he carefully arranged the plan of his discourse, laid down its heads and subdivisions, selected appropriate illustrations and arguments, and compiled the scripture references. These he generally committed first to writing, and then to memory: clothing them with language and the needful ornament when under the impulse of delivery.

It was, indeed, a greater exercise of memory thus to combine prearranged materials with extempore thoughts and utterance, than it would have been to repeat a written discourse memoriter; and far more difficult, to a man of Jewell's full fraught intellect and ready ingenuity, than to speak wholly from the impulse of the moment. But the latter course he is said to have rejected as presumptuous and rash ; and his memory, naturally good, had been so improved by art, as to bear readily any burden he might see fit to impose. He had invented for his own use a method of artificial memory, of which wonders are narrated. It not only fixed whatever he wished to learn upon his mind with the strongest hold, but gave him confidence and self-possession in the repetition, so that he would say that the noise of ten thousand men fighting or carousing would not put him out, having once commenced. Many remarkable instances of trials of this faculty in Jewell are recorded by his biographer, some almost surpassing belief.

Yet the same humility and conscientious caution which prevented Jewell from preaching extempore, rendered him averse to rely on his memory in his controversial writings. In these he would not even trust his own transcripts, either of the works refuted or of his

Latin by Humphrey, and translated by R. V. [aux] in 1583; with the compilations in the Treatise of the Scriptures and View of a Seditious Bull, are all that remains to us as a sample of that copious and earnest eloquence which gained for Jewell the name of ' the best preacher of his day.'

authorities. He first read his adversaries' books, mark' ing all that he thought needed a reply; then drew up the plan of his answer, and arranged his illustrations, proofs, and references ; and lastly employed his scholars to transcribe every passage to be thus used, in the same arrangement, that the whole might be before him while he composed his work.

Such was the man who wrote the Apology of the Church of England, in his endowments, his habits, his pursuits, and his personal history. It is faint praise to say of him that the Scholar, the Christian, and above all, the Gospel Minister, may look to him with pride and thankfulness, as their model.