Reformed Churchmen

We are Confessional Calvinists and a Prayer Book Church-people. In 2012, we remembered the 350th anniversary of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer; also, we remembered the 450th anniversary of John Jewel's sober, scholarly, and Reformed "An Apology of the Church of England." In 2013, we remembered the publication of the "Heidelberg Catechism" and the influence of Reformed theologians in England, including Heinrich Bullinger's Decades. For 2014: Tyndale's NT translation. For 2015, John Roger, Rowland Taylor and Bishop John Hooper's martyrdom, burned at the stakes. Books of the month. December 2014: Alan Jacob's "Book of Common Prayer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Book-Common-Prayer-Biography-Religious/dp/0691154813/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1417814005&sr=8-1&keywords=jacobs+book+of+common+prayer. January 2015: A.F. Pollard's "Thomas Cranmer and the English Reformation: 1489-1556" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-English-Reformation-1489-1556/dp/1592448658/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1420055574&sr=8-1&keywords=A.F.+Pollard+Cranmer. February 2015: Jaspar Ridley's "Thomas Cranmer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-Jasper-Ridley/dp/0198212879/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1422892154&sr=8-1&keywords=jasper+ridley+cranmer&pebp=1422892151110&peasin=198212879

Showing posts with label Trajan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Trajan. Show all posts

Friday, November 22, 2013

Mr. (Rev. Dr. Prof.) Henry Chadwick's "Ancient Church:" Ch. 1-2

Chadwick, Henry. The Ancient Church. New York: Dorset Press, 1967.

A 320-page, 1993-edition from Penguin is available at:
http://www.amazon.com/The-Early-Church-Penguin-History/dp/0140231994/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1377048323&sr=8-1&keywords=henry+chadwick. We have the 304-page, 1967 edition.

1. From Jerusalem to Rome—Jewish background, the earliest church, Gentile church, and encounter with the Roman Empire, pages 9-31

• Continuity with the Old Testament. Election, unmerited grace, a priestly society to the nations, exclusivity, the OT canon, and negative attitude to pagan religions as cults of evil spirits

• Foreign domination and a poor Palestinian economy facilitated the Jewish diaspora from Cadiz to Crimea. There were 11-12 synagogues in Rome in the 1st century and 1 million Jews in Alexandria and Egypt. Jews sent annual donations to the Temple in Jerusalem.

• Israel was a “religion of the book.” An “exegetical tradition” developed with the scribal class.

• The earliest church. Mr. Chadwick offers the obligatory summary of Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, the Jewish War, and Rabbi Paul. Most of the apostles “disappeared” from history, although Peter, John and James get press. There were stories of Thomas in Persia and India, Andrew in Scythia of southern Russia and various other medieval legends. See Eusebius as well.

• John lived and died in Ephesus. By 200, the Ephesians would point to his tomb. Philip the Evangelist died in Phrygia. James the Just was martyred in Jerusalem in 62 A.D.

• Paul was a man who could “translate the Palestinian Gospel” into something “intelligible in the Greek world.” We think this a gratuitous overstatement by Mr. Chadwick.

• Some Jewish Christians continued their Sabbaths, circumcision, and annual feasts. Jerome translated into Latin a Jewish “Gospel According to the Hebrews,” a document that differed very little from the canonical Gospels. Eventually, these Christians sank into oblivion. Yet, Justin Martyr in his Dialogue with Trypho sees the Jewish Christians as a continuing force. They kept their Jewish distinctives while noting their differences with Gentile Christians. From Irenaeus’ onwards, they were viewed as a Christian sect.

• Mr. Chadwick does an obligatory review of Emperor worship, the cult of Isis (Egypt), Mithras (Persian deity of light), and the Anatolian cult of Attis and Cybelle. The Romans were tolerant towards Christians—initially.

• Emperor Domitian (81-96). He claimed to be the “Master and God.” A customary oath was “by the genius of the emperor.” Sounds like Tudor and Stuart kings. Sounds like Obama and other state-worshippers. But the 3rd century, Christians were viewed as atheists.

• Emperor Trajan (98-117). We read of the concern of the Governor of Bithynia, Pliny. The economy was adversely affected by the abandonment of pagan temples, e.g. sales for sacrificial animals was down. Complaints were registered about these Christians who met on Sundays, sang an “hymn to Christ” as to God, and took oaths to moral rectitude. A tiresome increase of complaints, including anonymous accusations, came to Pliny. Pliny had put some Christians to death. He wrote the Emperor for legal guidance. Trajan directed Pliny not to search for Christians, but if accused and they confessed, then death was allowable. By the 2nd century, being a Christian became a “capital offense.”

• Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, martyred in 117. Telesphorus, bp. in Rome, martyred. Polycarp of Smyrna, a Christian for 86 years, was martyred in 155. Justin Martyr of Rome was martyred between 162 and 168. By 177, there was savage violence in Lyons and Vienne of the Rhone Valley.

• Tertullian would quip, “If the Tiber rises too much or the Nile too low, the cry is, `The Christians to the lion.’”

2. Faith and Order—Bonds of unity, Gnosticism, Ministry and the Bible, Forms of Ministry, to pages 55

• Corinth. Mr. Chadwick suggests that incipient Gnosticism lay behind the Corinthian chaos and hubris. The super-apostles deemed themselves the “spiritual aristocrats” with a “more profound wisdom” and “deeper mystical experiences.” The Spirit was everything and good while the body was nothing, if not evil. We are more of the view that it was Jewish-forces, perhaps Gnosticized, but Jewish, e.g. 2 Cor. 11. But, precisely what or whatever the super-apostles were, they opposed apostolic authority as supremacists and contrarians.

• Colosse. Again, a syncretistic and theosophic movement consisted of elements from the mystery cults and heterodox Judaism. We wish Mr. Chadwick offered a fuller analysis. There were intermediate angels or heavenly/astral bodies coupled with strict ascetic practices.

• Rival sects emerged in 80-150

• The questions are: (1) Did Greek philosophy get grafted onto the Christian message? Or, (2), were these Christians who adjusted their message to accommodate Greek elements and philosophy?

• The Gnostics were a varied, imprecise and syncretistic lot. In the elect, there was a “divine spark” imprisoned in “matter.” Salvation was the attempt to rouse people from “sleep walking.” The present world was “utterly alien to the supreme God” of the OT (35). A perilous journey through the several astral spheres would lead to the heavenly home by the use of secret passwords and amulets. The rival Gnostic sects hated each other and vied with one another by a better set of code words.

• The Gnostics depreciated the OT, especially the God of the OT. Marcion especially fit this mold although he didn’t develop Gnostic cosmogonies or angel-obsessions. He was excommunicated at Rome in 144. He wrote the Antitheses; he accused God of vacillating, needing to interrogate Adam as to his whereabouts in the Garden, and had to descend to Sodom and Gomorrah for investigative purposes. The God of the Jews was the creator of a miserable world. It was inconceivable to Marcion that Jesus was born of a woman. He denied OT prophecy. In Marcion’s “evaluation of the Old Testament there lurks a constant overtone of anti-Semitism” (40). Marcion became a proto-NT textual critic—like Bart Ehrman we would add. Marcion dismissed the OT. Marcion dismissed Mt, Mk, and Jn. He felt that Judaizers corrupted Luke’s Gospel so he pruned anything savoring of the OT. He threw out other books. He produced his own NT canon—like the 19th-20th century liberals.

• The Valentinians accepted the four canonical gospels but added another Gospel. They viewed portions of the OT as inspired while others were not. They had their own esoteric oral tradition.

• The Ministry of the Word and Bible, pages 41-45. “Authority was the central issue.” Who sat in the apostolic chair? Who were the governors of the church?

• Ignatius of Antioch stressed the bishop as the “focus of unity.” The bishop was God’s man.

• Clement of Rome, the presiding presbyter or bishop of Rome, stressed the connection to the apostles as the authorized representatives of the faith. The apostles had authority. Their representatives in succession had authority. The Gnostics proliferated, but were mutable and changing. The Apostolic word was the unbroken tradition. We would add the canonical Gospels, Acts and the Epistles as well.

• The formation of the canon. The authority of the OT and the Words of the Lord were the impulses to governance and adjudication. There were four canonical Gospels. Justin Martyr uses Mt-Luke, but his disciple, Tatian, coordinates John in the 4-fold stream of authority. The 4 Gospels had “achieved” a wide and general acceptance.

• “Apostolicity” was the strict canon. This strict canon would also lead to the exclusion of 1 Clement and the Shepherd of Hermas—these were profitable for private reading, but were not canonical like the Apostles. Hence, “apostolicity” of authorship was the “canon of orthodoxy.” Sorry, Mr. Ehrman, throw your hat into Marcion and the Gnostics’ ring.

• The “Rule of Faith” was created, a short summary of revelatory events in redemptive history, for use with catechumens.

• A transition is operational also. Ignatius refers to a “monarchial bishop” (Mr. Chadwick’s terms) in Antioch and Asian churches. The transition from apostles, prophets, and teachers to bishops, presbyters, and deacons is “obscured” (46). Clement of Rome was a bishop-presbyter, perhaps a presiding presbyter. Philippians speaks of bishops and deacons. The Didache, 70-110, advises congregational appointment of bishops and deacons to perform the ministry of the apostles, prophets and teachers. The deacons in Justin Martyr’s time took the elements of Holy Communion to the sick. In the 2nd and 3rd centuries, deacons presided at the Eucharist; however, by the Council of Arles (314) and the Council of Nicaea (6th canon, 325), this was frowned upon; the Holy Communion was to be served and led by the local presbyter. According to the Apostolic Tradition in Hippolytus’ time in Rome (200-220), the bishop and presbyter would lay hands on a presbyter at ordination; however, only the bishop would lay hands on a deacon at ordination; it would appear that these were decisions not of necessary canonical authority other than for “good order, appropriate governance, and control” (our quotes). Somewhere, the bishop acquired a superiority He may have been a “senior member of the presbyterial college,” a “first among equals.” In Jerusalem, there was a “president” above but equal to the presbyters. The variety of church order and liturgy was the legacy of the missionary and developing church.

• A 3-tiered ministry emerges in the 2nd century without controversy. 1 bishop in a city with presbyters and deacons. By the 3rd century, dignity attached to apostolic centers: Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, and Rome. According to the 6th canon of the Nicene Council, these patriarchies or metropolitan jurisdictions were larger than provincial ones. These developments occur while Montanism was emerging—irrational ecstatics who viewed themselves as mouthpiece of the Holy Spirit with high expectations to be received as those mouthpieces.

• Hippolytus of Rome addressed the divisiveness of the Montanists against the holy, universal, and apostolic churches. He stated that conversion was the supernatural miracle and believers had the Holy Spirit. He underscored the ministry of the Word and sacrament. These “irrational ecstatics” led to “pride and censoriousness” like our modern charismoes and Penties. Somethings just don't change.

• The apostolicity of the canonical writings, dependence on those writings, the closing of the NT canon, the dominance and readings of the OT and the Apostolic records, the Rule of Faith, and church structures are evident...in the holy, catholic and apostolic church...during the deviant and antagonistic heyday of Gnosticism, Marcionism, and Montanism.

Monday, August 26, 2013

Mr. (Rev. Dr. Prof.) Justo Gonzalez and the Second Century A.D.

Gonzalez, Justo. The Story of Christianity, Vol.1. NY: Harper Collins, 2010. 

It is available at: http://www.amazon.com/The-Story-Christianity-Vol-Reformation/dp/006185588X/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1377551282&sr=8-1&keywords=justo+gonzalez

Mr. (Dr. Prof.) Gonzalez summarizes the second century along five lines. And he maddeningly does not document his claims extensively, even unacceptably. This might work for an undergraduate text, perhaps. But, we are not convinced it is suitable for serious graduate work.  In fact, quite unacceptable in terms of footnotes and documentation. But, here are his five points on the Second Century A.D. along with a few interpolated musings.

  Chapter 6: Persecution in the Second Century

• Correspondence between Pliny and Trajan,
• Ignatius of Antioch (the God-bearer),
• Martyrdom of Polycarp,
• Persecution under Marcus Aurelius,
• Toward the End of the Second Century

Pliny had a “profound respect for Roman law and traditions,” but Christianity was a problem. The pagan temples were being abandoned, the pagan deities eschewed, a theological paradigm or shift was at hand, and the sellers of animals and temple accoutrements were unpleased. Christians were brought before him.

Pliny’s normative practice was to give the “Confessing Churchman” or “Confessing Churchwoman” (Confessionalists) three chances to recant. If not, he sentenced them to death. If they were Roman citizens, they were sent to Rome for adjudication in accordance with Roman law. It was less about theology and more “about obstinacy” Mr. Gonzalez claims (48).

Pliny had heard that the Christians met together, sung a hymn to Christ “as to a god,” and took moral oaths to avoid adultery, theft and more. The Christians also held a “common meal.”

Pliny wrote Emperor Trajan for counsel. The Emperor’s response was two-fold: (1) do not expend imperial or provincial resources seeking out the Christian and (2) if Christians were brought to court, they should be tried and punished accordingly.

Apparently, this policy had effect more widely beyond Pliny’s province and beyond his time frame. Mr. Gonzalez makes a good point here. Tertullian addresses this later (later than Pliny, Trajan, Justin Martyr, Ignatius and Polycarp).

Tertullian, a lawyer, querulously pierced the legal fallacy of Trajanism:

"What a necessarily confused sentence! It refuses to seek them out, as if they were innocent, and orders that they be punished as if they were guilty. It pardons, yet is cruel. It ignores, yet it punishes. Why do you circumvent your own censure? If you condemn, why do you not inquire? And, if do not inquire, why do you not absolve?"

Whatever Tertullian’s game was (point-scoring), Trajan’s policy was more practical and political.

Yet Mr. Gonzalez urges, unconvincingly, it was about the “dignity of the Roman courts” and avoiding “contempt of the Roman courts” (51). The policy was two-fold: don’t seek out prosecutions of Christians but if they end up in court, proceed and follow-through.

After discussing Emperor Trajan and Pliny, Mr. Gonzalez turns his attention to Ignatius, the “Bearer of God” as he called himself. Ignatius was a second generation Christian it might be argued. He was a bishop of Antioch. He was born c. 30-35 A.D. He knew John the Apostle.

In 107 A.D., Ignatius was arrested, imprisoned and forwarded for further transfer to Rome. He was guarded en route and had an attending amanuensis, but was allowed to have visitors. This indicates, as Mr. Gonzalez argues, that there was not a general persecution or a mass round-up of “Confessors.” He wrote 7 letters during his travels to Rome.

The evidence of no mass round-up. He received a bishop, 2 elders, and a deacon from Magnesia. He received Bishop Polybius from Tralles. He received Bishop Onesimus from Ephesus (perhaps the Onesimus of Paul’s correspondence). He wrotes letters from Smyrna.

At Troas, he wrote 3 letters. 1 to Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, 1 to Smyrneans, and 1 to the Philadelphia church (52).

Ignatius died in Rome; we are not pleased with Mr. Gonzalez's summary here; but, we need to continue the evaluation of this volume. The discussion shifts to Polycarp.

The Martyrdom of Polycarp

Polycarp was the younger friend and colleague of Ignatius. He will die in 155 A.D. (54).

Trajan’s policy still had force. But Germanicus, an elderly Christian, came to trial. A mob got whipped up and called, “Death to the atheists! Bring Polycarp!” Polycarp went into hiding, but soon eschewed that and exposed himself to imperial judgment.

Brought before the proconsul, Polycarp was directed to “worship the Emperor” (54). He refused. The Judge decreed, “Out with the atheists!” Polycarp responded to the gathered crowd, “Yes, away with the atheists!”

The Judge offered him a plea-arrangement: "...swear by the Emperor and curse Christ." Polycarp offered his infamous rejoinder and refusal:

"For 86 years, I have served Him and He has done me no evil. How could I curse my King who saved me?”

Observe this. There is no Tractarianism in Polycarp’s story: purgatory, treasury of the saints, treasure of merits, invocations of departed saints, Petrine supremacy, mandatory celibacy, Erastianism, Mariology, mitres, chasubles, copes, justification by works-merits or more.

Rather, Polycarp evinces assurance of salvation, strong faith over an entire 86-year life going back to 69 A.D, and an assured claim of Christ as his King. He also was reared from infancy in the faith, a covenantal child.

Persecution under Marcus Aurelius, Emperor from 161 to 180 A.D.

According to Mr. Gonzalez, he was not “enamored with power and vainglory” like Nero or Domitian, but advocated for “perfect and simple dignity” with “freedom, kindness and justice” (55).

On the other hand, he was allegedly superstitious, sought the advice of seers, and offered propitiatory sacrifices to his whatever-deity in the pantheon. He also favored a revival of the old Roman religion. He believed the Christians lacked these fundament virtues because they were “obstinate.”

Felicitas and her 7 sons come to view during Aurelius’s reign. She was devoted to the Church and good works. The Prefect tried to get her to recant by promises followed by threats. She answered: “…while I live, I shall defeat you, and if you kill me, in my death I shall defeat you.” The children stood by their mother’s “Confession of Faith.” One man's claim of obstinacy is a Reformed Churchman's claim of saving faith.

Note her assurance of faith and trust in Christ concerning, inferentially, the intermediate state; she is confident of heaven, not purgatory. Christ alone without invoking saints.

The records were sent to Marcus Aurelius. He ordered their deaths to occur in different parts of Rome. Mr. Gonzalez suggested this was to propitiate and cleanse various sections of the city. On this evidence, we would be inclined to infer "setting examples more widely" as a warning to other Confessionalists.

Justin Martyr also died during Marcus Aurelius’s reign. Apparently, he “bested” a famous pagan philosopher in a debate in Rome. Apparently, or as is frequently asserted, he was of a scholarly cast of mind. He died in Rome, as a result.

Information on Justin's dispatch comes from letters from Lyons and Vienne to churches in Asia Minor and Phrygia (56).

After Marcus Aurelius’s death in 180 A.D., there was a respite until Septimus Severus became the Emperor in 193 A.D.

Mr. Gonzalez’s gives his summary of the last period of the second century:

"During the entire second century, Christians were in a precarious position. They were not constantly persecuted. Sometimes they were persecuted in some areas of the empire, and not in others” (57).

Further, it was not always the “worst” emperor but sometimes the “better emperors” who did the persecuting...who saw Christians as importing a “subversive overtones” warranting suppression as a “matter of policy in defense of the integrity of the state” (58).