Reformed Churchmen
We are Confessional Calvinists and a Prayer Book Church-people. In 2012, we remembered the 350th anniversary of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer; also, we remembered the 450th anniversary of John Jewel's sober, scholarly, and Reformed "An Apology of the Church of England." In 2013, we remembered the publication of the "Heidelberg Catechism" and the influence of Reformed theologians in England, including Heinrich Bullinger's Decades. For 2014: Tyndale's NT translation. For 2015, John Roger, Rowland Taylor and Bishop John Hooper's martyrdom, burned at the stakes. Books of the month. December 2014: Alan Jacob's "Book of Common Prayer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Book-Common-Prayer-Biography-Religious/dp/0691154813/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1417814005&sr=8-1&keywords=jacobs+book+of+common+prayer. January 2015: A.F. Pollard's "Thomas Cranmer and the English Reformation: 1489-1556" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-English-Reformation-1489-1556/dp/1592448658/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1420055574&sr=8-1&keywords=A.F.+Pollard+Cranmer. February 2015: Jaspar Ridley's "Thomas Cranmer" at: http://www.amazon.com/Thomas-Cranmer-Jasper-Ridley/dp/0198212879/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1422892154&sr=8-1&keywords=jasper+ridley+cranmer&pebp=1422892151110&peasin=198212879
Wednesday, August 22, 2012
There Were Anglican Puritans
Saturday, May 5, 2012
Anti-Arminians: Anglican Reformed Tradition from Charles II to George I
We refuse to pay this exorbitant price for the present. However, it is from OUP, a world class press. Undoubtedly, we may break down and purchase it. We are not surprised by the thesis, in the least. Not one whit! Rev. Augustus Montague Toplady is one Churchman, amongst others, in the Reformation, Calvinistic and Anglican stream of the holy, catholic and apostolic church.
http://www.amazon.com/Anti-Arminians-Tradition-Theological-Monographs-ebook/dp/B005COO1OA
Anti-Arminians : The Anglican Reformed Tradition from Charles II to George I (Oxford Theological Monographs) [Kindle Edition]
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Hampton writes with enviable clarity and precision. It is a study that anyone interested in the theological controversies of the late Stuart church will have to read." --Church History
Product Description
churchmen contributed in three hotly disputed areas of doctrine (justification, the Trinity and the divine attributes), he argues that the most significant debates in speculative theology after 1662 were the result of the Anglican Reformed resistance to the growing influence of continental Arminianism.
Hampton demonstrates the strength and flexibility of the Reformed response to the developing Arminian school, and shows that the Reformed tradition remained a viable theological option for Anglicans well into the eighteenth century. This study therefore provides a significant bridge linking the Reformed writes of the Elizabethan and early Stuart periods to the Reformed Evangelicals of the eighteenth century. It also shows that, throughout its formative period, Anglicanism was not a monolithic tradition, but rather a contested ground between the competing claims of those adhering to the Church of England's Reformed doctrinal heritage and the insights of those who, to varying degrees, were prepared to explore new theological avenues.
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Wednesday, February 22, 2012
Thirty-nine Articles: James Packer and Treading Grain
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| James I. Packer, D.Phil, Oxford 1926-present |
I am enjoying quite a bit the reading I’m doing as preparation for our spring/summer sermon series on the 39 Articles. Peter Moore dropped off his copy of +John Rodgers’ new book on the Articles. It’s next on my reading list having finished J.I. Packer’s nice little treatise: The Thirty-Nine Articles: Their Place and Use Today.
In his essay, Packer writes of the dual role the Creeds and Articles play in the development of a coherent, robust and authentic Anglicanism.
Thirty-nine Articles by Bp. John Rodgers
http://www.tsm.edu/news_stories/bishop_john_rodgers_new_book_now_available
Bishop John Rodgers New Book Now Available!
Published by the Classical Anglican Press, Essential Truthscan be purchased from the Trinity Bookstore at 1-800-874-8754 or bookstore@tsm.edu. Cost is $24.95 paperback and or $49.95 hardcover.
With a focus on solid theological teaching, practical application, and spiritual formation, Essential Truths is written for clergy, for ministry students, and for lay leaders. Essential Truths shows how the Anglican Reformers "got it right" on the central matters of the Christian Faith, and that these teachings are both biblical and relevant for today. This book is designed as an easy-to-find reference on the Articles and as an introduction to the basic themes of systematic theology. The foreword is written by J. I. Packer.
Bp. Rodgers will be doing a book signing at Trinity on Wednesday, April 13, after chapel.
Sunday, December 25, 2011
Robin Jordan: Vision of Reformed North American Anglican Church
http://anglicansablaze.blogspot.com/2011/12/vision-of-reformed-north-american.html
A Vision of a Reformed North American Anglican Church

By Robin G. Jordan
What is needed in North America is an Anglican Church that:
1. Is unwavering in its commitment to the authority of the Scriptures and the Anglican formularies. There is a clear need for an Anglican Church in which the centrality of the Scriptures to the Christian life is recognized, in which the Scriptures are taken seriously as God’s word to humankind, in which the authority of the Thirty-Nine Articles is acknowledged without equivocation as coming from their agreement with the teaching of Scripture and acceptance of their authority is unhesitatingly affirmed as constitutive of Anglican identity.
2. Is wholeheartedly devoted to the fulfillment of the Great Commission, to the task of making disciples, preaching the gospel, proclaiming the message of repentance and forgiveness of sins, and participating in God’s mission in and through Jesus, to the task of reaching all the nations and all the world. More than ever is there a pressing need for an Anglican Church for the congregations and clergy of whom the work of evangelism in its many forms is both their first priority and their second nature.
3. Truly values and practices responsible, synodical church government. Responsible church government is not autocratic. It is constitutional and governed by the rule of law. Those occupying positions of authority and leadership are answerable for what their actions. Synodical church government is based upon the principle that the government of the Christian community properly belongs under God to the whole Church, clergy and laity together, and not exclusively to bishops. The role of a bishop is not that of “a lord over God’s heritage.” Rather his role is that of a presiding officer who shares in the governance of the Church with synods and other bodies of godly clergy and laity. His central task is to preach and teach the Word of God. Whatever spiritual gift of oversight he exercises is in “the form of sound advice and wise judgment” in matters affecting the Church.
God was behind the spiritual movement that lay at the heart of the Reformation, in England as well as on the Continent. It was the Holy Spirit that led men like Martin Luther, John Calvin, and Thomas Cranmer to rediscover the gospel and realize its full implications. It was the Holy Spirit who inspired them to reform the Church in accordance with the teaching of Scripture. As the apostle Paul wrote the Church in Philippi, “…it is God who works in you to will and act according to his good purpose” (Philippians 2:13, NIV 1978). God raises up in every generation those who take with due seriousness the words that he has spoken and that he caused to be written for us.
God has permitted developments that not only call attention to the need for a reformed Anglican Church in North America but also create opportunities for its establishment. There have been several false starts—a number of Anglican entities built upon the wrong foundation. But here are opportunities to erect a new Anglican Church on the solid base of the Scriptures, the Anglican formularies, the Great Commission, and responsible, synodical church government. May God give us the courage, discernment, and wisdom to seize these opportunities and make the best use of them and not to squander them.
Wednesday, July 20, 2011
Liturgy, de Tocqueville, Anglicanism, America
A hat tip to Hudson Barton at Anglo-Reformed, a Calvinistic Anglican.
http://anglo-reformed.org/alexis-de-tocqueville-on-liturgical-christian
Alexis de Tocqueville on Liturgical Christianity in America
Tuesday, 21 April 2009
In Democracy in America (1838) the French intellectual Alexis de Tocqueville offered insightful and occasionally wry insights into American life. He outlined the key features of the American democratic temper that shaped its religion and politics, and to my mind his observations are still relevant 180 years later. I have excerpted some comments which de Tocqueville makes about American Christianity, noting in particular his comments about the reception of liturgical traditions. In reading them, one may remark that the same features of American religion that were present in the America of his day, can be observed today, its pluralism and pragmatism, the spirit of equality which dominates all religious ideas. Of particular interest to traditional Anglicans are his trenchant comments on the lack of interest in religious 'forms', read liturgy.
On his analysis, the spirit of equality is too powerful, and liturgical forms of worship appear too external and unnecessary, to make sense to a people who think that there is nothing superior to their own immediate judgement as to the truths of the faith, and whose religion is primarily subjective. Consequently, the liturgically minded Christian finds himself something of an oddity. This is what he wrote 1838:
"[A] truth appears very clear to me: that religions should be less burdened with external practices in democratic times than in others." (II.1.5)
"As [Americans] see that they manage to resolve unaided all the little difficulties that practical life presents, they easily conclude that everything in the world is explicable and that nothing exceeds the bound of intelligence." (II.1.1)
(I am reminded of a report in the newspaper of a church that cancelled its Sunday morning/worship in order that the congregation find time to paint a run-down school. )
"Amidst the continual movement that reigns in the heart of a democratic society, the bond that unites generations is relaxed or broken; each man easily loses track of the ideas of his ancestors or scarcely worries about them."(II.1.1)
(It is reported now that more than one if four Americans have swapped religions.)
"...to take tradition only as information, and current facts only as a useful study for doing otherwise and better; to seek the reason for things by themselves and in themselves alone...these are the principle features that characterize what I shall call the philosophic method of the Americans."(II.1.1)
(It is interesting to note the degree to which Bible study, often advertised as a means for helping people find practical solutions to the problems of life, seems to have replaced Sunday worship as the central act of Christian worship.)
"Although Christians of America are divided into a multitude of sects, they all perceive their religion in the same light. This applies to Catholicism as well as to other beliefs." (II.1.5)
(This is marked by the liturgical revolution of the mid-twentieth century when all the mainstream denominations came under the influence of the same ideas, drawing all towards conviction that the Christian religion is a single, simple idea.)
"Men who live in times of equality are therefore only with difficulty led to place intellectual authority to which they submit outside and above humanity. It is in themselves or in those like themselves that they ordinarily seek the sources of truth."(II.1.2)
(It would be quite easy to argue that the 1960's liturgical revolution was produced by the conviction that the only intellectual authority that anyone requires is that which they find in themselves.)
"...nothing so revolts the human mind more in times of equality than the idea of submitting to forms. Men who live in these times suffer [representational] figures with impatience; symbols appear to them to be puerile artifices that are used to veil or adorn for their eyes truths it would be more natural to show to them altogether naked and in broad daylight....the sight of ceremonies leaves them cold, and they are naturally brought to attach only a secondary importance to the details of worship."(II.1.5)
"I believe firmly in the necessity of forms; I know they fix the human mind in the contemplation of abstract truths, and by aiding it to grasp them forcefully, they make it embrace them ardently. I do not imagine that it is possible to maintain a religion without external practices; but on the other hand, I think that in the centuries we are entering.... A religion that would become more minute, inflexible, and burdened with small observances at the same time that men were becoming more equal would soon see itself reduced to a flock of impassioned zealots in the midst of an incredulous multitude."(II.1.5)
(Not wanting to appear as zealot, as no doubt I do, I find it continually necessary to remark that my attachment to the historic Book of Common Prayer is entirely connected to its dogma, rather than rite. This is what one must say in America.)
Another old book showing its value for understanding?
Sunday, June 26, 2011
Readers Engage: Other Calvinistic Anglicans
Reformation said...Monday, December 13, 2010
"The Protestant & Calvinistic" Church of England
What follows below is from this book. The English Reformers were, repeat, were Calvinists until Mr. Laud arose.
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Numerous writers in the Episcopal church in England, and among them some of the dignitaries of the church, have laboured to prove that the English reformers were hostile towards Calvin, and that their Confession of Faith and Catechisms, were opposed to his theological works and opinions. That no such opposition existed, says Waterman in his letter to Mr. Johnson, but that an entire harmony prevailed between those venerable reformers, and that pre-eminent minister of Christ, is beyond question evinced from the Catechism itself, which runs parallel with his, and scarcely varies from it, except in a more diffusive illustration of the doctrinal points. It is an incontrovertible fact, that at that very time, and for about fifty years after, to the arch-prelacy of William Laud, the Institutes of Calvin were publicly read and studied in both Universities, by every student in divinity. And the Pope, in his Bull, excommunicating and deposing the queen, in 1569, alleges against her this offensive charge, "that she received herself and enjoined upon her subjects, the impious sacraments and institutes according to Calvin." Every historical fact that has fallen under my observation, enforces upon my mind the conviction, that the doctrinal system of Calvin, in 1562, and in 1570, was cordially received by the bishops of the English church. In proof of this, not to rest on the circumstance, that archbishop Parker presented to the University of Cambridge the Institutes, Commentaries, and other writings of Calvin, I may adduce the following paragraph of the xvii. Article of Faith, as being very closely copied from Calvin's Institutes : "Furthermore, we must receive God's promises in such wise, as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture; and in our doings, that will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly declared unto us in the word of God."— For this fact and the references, I am indebted to the Christian Observer, from which very candid and evangelical work, I beg leave to give the following statement: That Dr. Randolph, bishop of Oxford, a few years before, republished " The whole of king Edward's Catechism, the declaration of doctrines in Jewell's Apology, and the Catechism commonly called Dr. Nowell's, in a collection of tracts for the use of students in divinity."
Page 214ff.
That Calvinistic sentiments were held by the clergy during the reign of Edward VI. there can be no doubt. Mosheim says, "that after the death of Henry (VIII.) the universities, the schools, and the churches, became the oracles of Calvinism; and that when it was proposed, in Edward the Sixth's reign, to give a fixed and stable turn to the doctrine and discipline of the church, Geneva was acknowledged as a sister church, and the theological system there established by Calvin was adopted, and rendered the public rule of faith in England." That the doctrines of the church of England were deemed, by many of the reformers themselves, to be not at variance with Calvin's Institutes might easily be shown. A remarkable testimony to this effect will be found in Fox's detail of the examination of the martyr Philpot, the
first protestant archdeacon of Winchester, in the reign of Edward VI. "Which of you all," said he to his popish judges, "is able to answer Calvin's Institutions, who is minister of Geneva?" "I am sure you blaspheme that godly man and that godly church, where he is minister, as it is your church's condition, when you cannot answer men by learning, to oppress them with blasphemies and false reports: for in the matter of predestination he (Calvin) is in no other opinion than all the doctors of the church be, agreeing with the Scriptures." On another examination, he said, "I allow the church of Geneva and the doctrine of the same; for it is una, catholica, et apostolica, and doth follow the doctrine which the apostles did preach: and the doctrine taught and preached in king Edward's days was also according to the same." (Fox, Volume III. see Philpot's Examinations.)
Bradford wrote a treatise on the doctrine of election, proving its truth from the first chapter of Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians. This work was approved by Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, as appears from the following extract from Strype's Life of Cranmer, p.350:
"One thing there now fell out which caused some disturbance among the prisoners. Many of them that were under restraint for the profession of the gospel were such as held free-will, tending to the derogation of God's grace, and refused the doctrines of absolute predestination and original sin."—" Divers of them were in the King's Bench, where Bradford and many other gospellers were."—" Bradford was apprehensive that they might now do great harm in the church, and therefore wrote a letter to Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, the three chief heads of the reformed (though oppressed) church in England, to take some cognizance of the matter, and to consult with them in remedying it. And with him joined bishop Ferrar, Rowland Taylor, and John Philpot. Upon this occasion, Ridley wrote a treatise of God, election and predestination. And Bradford wrote another upon the same subject, and sent it to those three fathers, in Oxford for their approbation: and Their's Being Obtained, the rest of the eminent ministers in and about London were ready to sign it also.
The notes to the Bible, to which archbishop Parker wrote a preface, are highly Calvinistic. These notes, as we are informed by Strype, in his Life of Archbishop Parker, p. 400, were drawn up by the bishops, but chiefly by the archbishops. As a specimen of these notes, we insert that on Ezekiel xviii. 23. "Have I any desire that the wicked should die, saith the Lord God?" The note is as follows: "Hee speaketh this to commend God's mercie to poor sinners, who rather is ready to pardon than to punish, as his long suffering declareth. Albeit God in his eternal counsel appointed the death and damnation of the reprobate, yet the end of his counsel was not their death only, but chiefly his own glory." In the same volume was inserted, under the same authority, viz. that of the bishops and archbishops of the church of England, the well known Calvinistic Catechism, entitled, "Certain Questions and Answers touching the doctrine of Predestination, the use of God's Word and Sacraments." In this Catechism, not only the doctrine of election, but that of reprobation also, is plainly and explicitly affirmed and defended.
The divines deputed by king James, to attend the synod of Dort, were bishops Hall, Davenant, and Ward, who were all eminent and decided Calvinists. King James himself, held the same theological opinions, and strongly disapproved of Arminius and his sentiments. That the divines above named, were Calvinists, is evident from the fact, that they individually and collectively subscribed to all the acts of that synod, in condemnation of the Armenians. King James, in his declaration against Vorstius, calls Arminius, "that enemy of God;" "who was the first in our age that infected Leyden with heresy." And, speaking of "seditious and heretical preachers," he adds, "our principal meaning was of Arminius, who though himself were lately dead, yet had he left too many of his disciples behind him." "It was our hard hap not to hear of this Arminius before he was dead, and that all the reformed churches of Germany had with open mouth complained of him." King James' Works, (p. 350, 354, 356.) In a meditation upon the Lord's prayer, king James says, "the first article of the apostles' creed teaches us, that God is Almighty, however Vorstius and the Arminians think to rob him of his eternal decree and secret will, making many things to be done in this world whether he will or not." (Works, 581.) It is remarkable, that the synod of Dort was expressly assembled at the persuasion of king James: and even Dr. Heylin admits that the king "had laboured to condemn those, viz. (the Arminian) opinions at the synod of Dort."— Life of Laud, p. 120.
The archbishops Whitgift, Hutton, and Parker, were all Calvinists, and approved of the Lambeth articles. The predestinarian controversy, which led to the composition of those articles, began at Cambridge in the year 1595; certain individuals of name in the university having about that period publicly denied some of the doctrines usually denominated Calvinistic. For the purpose of allaying the ferment thus excited, the heads of colleges deputed Dr. Whitaker and Dr. Tyndal to wait upon the archbishop at Lambeth, there to confer upon the subject with his Grace, and other learned and eminent men. At this conference the Lambeth Articles were drawn up and approved; and a copy of them was soon after sent to Cambridge by the archbishop, with a letter and private directions to teach the doctrine contained in them, in that university.
The leader will find, (in Fuller's Church History, book ix. p. 22) in the account of the Lambeth Articles, the following sentence :— " Now also began some opinions about predestination, free-will, perseverance, &c. much to trouble both the sdhools and pulpit; whereupon archbishop Whitgift, out of his Christian care to propagate the truth, and suppress tha opposite errors, caused a solemn meeting of many grave and learned divines at Lambeth; where (besides the archbishop,) Richard Bancroft, bishop of London, Richard Vaughan, bishop elect of Bangor, Humphrey Tyndall, dean of Ely, Dr. Whitaker, queen's professor in Cambridge, and others, were assembled. These, after a serious debate and mature deliberation, resolved at last on the now following Articles."
"1. God from eternity hath predestinated certain men unto life : certain men he hath reprobated unto death.
"2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life, is not the foresight of faith, or of perseverance, or of good works, or of any thing that is in the persons predestinated, but only the good-will and pleasure of God.
"3. There is a predetermined and certain number of the predestinate, which can neither be augmented nor diminished.
"4. They who are not predestinated to salvation, shall » necessarily be damned for their sins.
"5. A true, living, and justifying faith, and the Spirit of God justifying, is not extinguished, faileth not, vanisheth not away in the elect, either finally or totally.
"6. A man truly faithful, that is, such a one as is endued with justifying faith, is certain, with the full assurance of faith, of the remission of his sins and his everlasting salvation by Christ.
"7. Saving grace is not given, is not communicated, is not granted to all men, by which they maybe saved if they will.
"8. No man can come unto Christ unless it be given unto him, and unless the Father draw him: all men are not drawn by the Father, that they may come to the Son.
"9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved."
With respect to the principles contained in these Articles, we are assured by Whitgift that they were generally recognised :— "I know them," says he, "to be sound doctrines, and uniformly professed in this church of England, and agreeable to the Articles of Religion established by authority: and therefore I thought it meet that Baret should in more humble sort confess his ignorance and error; and that none should be suffered to teach any contrary doctrine to the foresaid propositions agreed upon." So just are the observations of bishop Horsley, "Any one may hold all the theological opinions of Calvin, hard and extravagant as some of them may seem, and yet be a sound member of the church of England and Ireland" " Her discipline has been submitted to, it has in former times been most ably and zealously defended, by the highest supralapsarian Calvinists such was the great Usher; such was Whitgift; such were many more burning and shining lights of our church in her early days, when she shook off the papal tyranny, long since gone to the resting place of the spirits of the just."
Indeed, it must be considered as a little extraordinary, that any person acquainted with the history of those times, should mistake the real nature of the question between the Established church and the Puritanical party: it was not a question of doctrine, but of discipline.
Archbishops Grindall, Bancroft, and Abbott were also strict Calvinists. The doctrinal sentiments of Thomas Fuller, the church historian, are expressed in a brief compass in his Church History, lib. ix. p. 232. He cordially approved of the Lambeth Articles, and considers them as witnesses of "the general and received doctrines of England in that age about the forenamed controversies."Hutton, archbishop of York, mentions the Puritans of his time, who were Calvinistic, as agreeing with the English church in doctrine, though they differed as to ceremonies and accidents. And those of king Charles time, so far resembled them as generally to approve of such articles as are strictly doctrinal. And the sense which they affixed to the articles was Calvinistic, according the notions which had usually prevailed till Charles' days, both in and out of the establishment. Baxter furnishes many proofs of this fact, so far as it respects Presbyterians. Life of Baxter, pp. 213—223, &c.
At what period, then, did the members of the church of England generally change their opinions on the subject of doctrinal Calvinism? It is intimated by Mosheim, that the change took place soon after the Synod of Dort: and this change he informs us, which was entirely in favour of Arminianism, was principally effected by the counsels and influence of William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury. "As the church of England had not yet abandoned the Calvinistical doctrines of predestination and grace, he (James) also adhered to them for some time, and gave his theological representatives in the Synod of Dordrecht, an order to join in the condemnation of the sentiments of Arminius, in relation to these deep and intricate points. Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, a man of remarkable gravity, and of eminent zeal both for civil and religious liberty, whose lenity towards their ancestors, the Puritans still celebrate in the highest strains, used his utmost endeavours to confirm the king in the principles of Calvinism, to which he himself was thoroughly attached. But scarcely had the British divines returned from Dordrecht, and given an account of the laws that had been enacted, and the doctrines that had been established by that famous assembly, than the king and the greatest part of the Episcopal clergy discovered, in the strongest terms, their dislike of the proceedings, and judged the sentiments of Arminius, relating to the divine decrees, preferable to those of Geneva and of Calvin. This sudden change in the theological opinions of the court and clergy, was certainly owing to a variety of reasons," Here, then, we have Laud described as the first anti-Calvinistic archbishop; and the time distinctly marked when the change of sentiment took place generally in the church of England.
Saturday, December 11, 2010
Thirty-nine Articles: Being Faithful, The Shape of Anglicanism Today
This is a pdf.file from GAFCON or the Global Anglicans Conference a few years back.
Tuesday, December 7, 2010
Review: Charles F. Raven, Shadow Gospel - Reformation21
Review: Charles F. Raven, Shadow Gospel - Reformation21
Rowan Williams and the Anglican Communion Crisis (Latimer Trust, 2010)
The Latimer Trust (www.latimertrust.org) has a long history of publishing some fine booklets on the history and theology of Reformed Anglicanism. Many of us outside the Anglican fold are grateful, both for the good literature it produces, and for the insights it gives us into how Reformed Anglicans are addressing the current issues which face their church.
The newest book to emerge from LT is Charles F. Raven, Shadow Gospel: Rowan Williams and the Anglican Communion Crisis. In this work, Raven presents an account of the last decade or so of Anglican history, and weaves his narrative by connecting the theology of Rowan Williams to the policies he has pursued as Archbishop of Canterbury. He locates the central dynamic in this story as being the tension between pre-Canterbury Williams, the man who gave the pro-gay Anglican lobby its intellectual rationale and ballast, and Canterbury Williams, the man who has appeared (to his critics - both liberal and conservative) to have tried to follow something of a vacillating middle path in an attempt to hold the church together. Around this central narrative, Raven also offers insights into the growing numerical power of the conservative Anglican churches of the southern hemisphere, the massive financial power of the liberal ECUSA (now TEC), and the practical and structural realignments that are taking place within the Anglican church as a result of the inevitable struggles which such imbalances bring in their wake. At the end of the book, one is left with a picture of the Archbishop of Canterbury as a somewhat impotent and lonely figure, overtaken by events. I hate to feel pity for someone - it always seems so patronizing - but it is hard not to feel sorry for Williams the man by the end of this sorry tale. After all, he had the great misfortune to come to power just as the whole thing was starting to go south - both metaphorically and, in the case of Anglicanism, literally as well. Indeed, one can imagine him being asked by a reporter `You were big once, weren't you?' and him responding, in true Norma Desmond style `I am big! It's the parts that got small.'
The book is excellent and well worth reading for a number of reasons. First, Raven's account is fascinating in the way it connects Williams's theology to his policies as Archbishop, casting him not so much as a classic liberal as a neo-Hegelian, for whom the very process of institutional discussion, with the synthetic resolution of antithetical positions, is the hallmark of what it is to be orthodox. This is the `shadow gospel' of the title: a philosophy expressed using the language of orthodoxy, but which has no real gospel substance to it.
According to Raven, this is why Williams is able to distance his public action (highly equivocal, as in the case of Jeffrey John) on homosexuality from his private convictions (the ordination of non-celibate homosexuals is legitimate). This is a fascinating thesis, but I did wonder at points if this was not an over-reading of Williams's actions.In a position of leadership in an institution that is racked by controversy and cracking at the seams, Williams has acted like the inexperienced politician-administrator that he is; and it might be pure crisis management pragmatism that has driven his policies. To lead is to choose; but Williams, according to this account, has seemed unwilling to do so at key moments. As far as the Hegelianism goes - we have no need of that hypothesis; bumbling pragmatics serve just as well.
Second, as an outsider to the Anglican church, I found the book enlightening in the remarkable way that Raven brought home the depth of the crisis which she faces. My Norma Desmond reference was entirely appropriate: Canterbury is slowly but surely losing control, being marginalized by a wealthy American church dominated by liberals, and southern hemisphere churches dominated by conservatives. Williams can soldier on, pretending that he carries weight in his denomination, but it is increasingly clear that neither left nor right either respect him or look to him for reliable leadership.
The book also provoked a number of questions in my mind. First, why is homosexuality the big issue? As Raven points out at several junctures, it is the issue around which the current crisis has coalesced; and homosexuality is in this context symptomatic of a much deeper crisis in the authority of scripture and its relationship to ecclesiology. Yet, as an outsider, it would seem that the ordination to office of men who deny cardinal doctrines of the faith, and even their consecration as bishops, would also represent precisely the same crises; and these have been happening for years, with no disciplinary action being taken. What makes homosexuality so special?
This then raises a second point: antipathy towards homosexuality is certainly consonant with biblical teaching; but just because something is consonant with biblical teaching does not mean that the reasons or motives which lie behind it are necessarily biblical. I went to a rugby-playing all-boys grammar school in England in the late 70s/early 80s. Anti-homosexual sentiment was rampant; but neither myself nor my friends were motivated by biblical ethics, merely by the anti-gay attitudes of the broader culture. The same kind of anti-homosexual sentiment is not uncommon in African cultures today (witness Mugabe's Zimbabwe; and recent events in Kenya). My question, then relates to the reasons why homosexuality has become the point of conflict in the Anglican communion, when, say, denial of the resurrection by office-bearers was not such. Is it really because it flies in the face of biblical teaching? Or is it because it is culturally distasteful, even as the idiom for expressing such distaste looks quite biblical? The agitation of the African bishops over this issue is clear from Raven's narrative, and we should be grateful that this has finally strengthened the resolve of British Anglicans to make a stand; but the one unexpected result of reading the book was that I was left wondering how truly biblical in motivation and content some of the conservatism from the southern hemisphere is. That, by the way, is a genuine, not a rhetorical, question.
Raven's book goes some way to answering the question as to why homosexuality is the watershed: clearly he and others regard this current debate as a decisive point because there are earnest attempts being made to change church law relative to this matter. In other words, the formal identity of the church as an institution is set to change. I have some sympathy with this argument; but I am still left wondering whether a church that has long since stopped prosecuting ministers for publicly rejecting the teaching of the 39 Articles, and has even promoted them to the highest positions of authority, has not functionally so reinterpreted its own laws as to have arguably changed a long, long time ago. If such is the case, then the debates on homosexuality are dangerously vulnerable to accusations of being motivated by selective orthodoxy and homophobia.
All in all, this book should be read by every thoughtful Christian who wants an intelligent insider account of what is happening in Anglicanism at this crucial time. As one with many friends inside the Anglican communion, I think that I now have a better understanding of what they are facing; and, even as I disagree with them on a host of important fronts, I am better equipped to pray more intelligently for them in the coming struggles.
For those who want a further critical handle on Rowan William's theology, you should obtain two other booklets from Latimer Trust: Garry Williams [no relation], The Theology of Rowan Williams; and Mark D. Thompson, Too Big for Words: The Transcendence of God and Finite Human Speech. We owe the Latimer Trust a great debt for making such consistently excellent material available.
Friday, December 3, 2010
Anti-Arminians: The Anglican Reformed Tradition from Charles II to George I | Church History | Find Articles at BNET
Anti-Arminians: The Anglican Reformed Tradition from Charles II to George I. By Stephen Hampton. Oxford Theological Monographs. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008. 296 pp. $240.00 cloth.
In 1716 William Nicolson, the bishop of Carlisle and almoner to George I, preached the Spital Sermon at St. Bride's before the assembled London magistracy. His text was Ephesians 2:8-9: "For by grace are ye saved through faith; and that not of yourselves: it is the gift of God: not of works, lest any man should boast." Essentially Stephen Hampton has set out to explain why a bishop, apparently favored by the Crown, should be preaching on the theme that one is justified by faith alone a long generation after the supposed triumph of Arminianism at the Restoration of Church and Crown in 1660. After all, Reformed Protestantism was supposed to have been discredited by the Civil Wars and Interregnum, by the Puritan Revolution, and while the Reformed faith might survive among some of the Dissenting churchmen, the Reformed divinity and its adherents were supposed to have been purged from the restored episcopalian church by the Act of Uniformity in 1662. Certainly Archbishops Sheldon and Tillotson were known to be hostile to a Reformed soteriology, so what Hampton has set out to explain is how it came about that a minister and bishop as late as 1716 was still publicly preaching in defense of so central a Reformed understanding of justification.
This is not an easy book. The treatises examined were works of sophisticated theologians, and Hampton does not simplify their arguments. Much of these academic treatises were in Latin, and Hampton provides translations in his text and the Latin in footnotes. On the other hand, if the book is difficult and the analysis subtle, Hampton writes with enviable clarity and precision. It is a study that anyone interested in the theological controversies of the late Stuart church will have to read; in light of that consideration, it is a pity that Oxford University Press has priced it beyond the reach of most academics.
Paul S. Seaver
Stanford University

