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Mr. (Dr. Prof.) Gonzalez summarizes the second century along five lines. And he maddeningly does not document his claims extensively, even unacceptably. This might work for an undergraduate text, perhaps. But, we are not convinced it is suitable for serious graduate work. In fact, quite unacceptable in terms of footnotes and documentation. But, here are his five points on the Second Century A.D. along with a few interpolated musings.
Chapter 6: Persecution in the Second Century
• Correspondence between Pliny and Trajan,
• Ignatius of Antioch (the God-bearer),
• Martyrdom of Polycarp,
• Persecution under Marcus Aurelius,
• Toward the End of the Second Century
Pliny had a “profound respect for Roman law and traditions,” but Christianity was a problem. The pagan temples were being abandoned, the pagan deities eschewed, a theological paradigm or shift was at hand, and the sellers of animals and temple accoutrements were unpleased. Christians were brought before him.
Pliny’s normative practice was to give the “Confessing Churchman” or “Confessing Churchwoman” (Confessionalists) three chances to recant. If not, he sentenced them to death. If they were Roman citizens, they were sent to Rome for adjudication in accordance with Roman law. It was less about theology and more “about obstinacy” Mr. Gonzalez claims (48).
Pliny had heard that the Christians met together, sung a hymn to Christ “as to a god,” and took moral oaths to avoid adultery, theft and more. The Christians also held a “common meal.”
Pliny wrote Emperor Trajan for counsel. The Emperor’s response was two-fold: (1) do not expend imperial or provincial resources seeking out the Christian and (2) if Christians were brought to court, they should be tried and punished accordingly.
Apparently, this policy had effect more widely beyond Pliny’s province and beyond his time frame. Mr. Gonzalez makes a good point here. Tertullian addresses this later (later than Pliny, Trajan, Justin Martyr, Ignatius and Polycarp).
Tertullian, a lawyer, querulously pierced the legal fallacy of Trajanism:
"What a necessarily confused sentence! It refuses to seek them out, as if they were innocent, and orders that they be punished as if they were guilty. It pardons, yet is cruel. It ignores, yet it punishes. Why do you circumvent your own censure? If you condemn, why do you not inquire? And, if do not inquire, why do you not absolve?"
Whatever Tertullian’s game was (point-scoring), Trajan’s policy was more practical and political.
Yet Mr. Gonzalez urges, unconvincingly, it was about the “dignity of the Roman courts” and avoiding “contempt of the Roman courts” (51). The policy was two-fold: don’t seek out prosecutions of Christians but if they end up in court, proceed and follow-through.
After discussing Emperor Trajan and Pliny, Mr. Gonzalez turns his attention to Ignatius, the “Bearer of God” as he called himself. Ignatius was a second generation Christian it might be argued. He was a bishop of Antioch. He was born c. 30-35 A.D. He knew John the Apostle.
In 107 A.D., Ignatius was arrested, imprisoned and forwarded for further transfer to Rome. He was guarded en route and had an attending amanuensis, but was allowed to have visitors. This indicates, as Mr. Gonzalez argues, that there was not a general persecution or a mass round-up of “Confessors.” He wrote 7 letters during his travels to Rome.
The evidence of no mass round-up. He received a bishop, 2 elders, and a deacon from Magnesia. He received Bishop Polybius from Tralles. He received Bishop Onesimus from Ephesus (perhaps the Onesimus of Paul’s correspondence). He wrotes letters from Smyrna.
At Troas, he wrote 3 letters. 1 to Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, 1 to Smyrneans, and 1 to the Philadelphia church (52).
Ignatius died in Rome; we are not pleased with Mr. Gonzalez's summary here; but, we need to continue the evaluation of this volume. The discussion shifts to Polycarp.
The Martyrdom of Polycarp
Polycarp was the younger friend and colleague of Ignatius. He will die in 155 A.D. (54).
Trajan’s policy still had force. But Germanicus, an elderly Christian, came to trial. A mob got whipped up and called, “Death to the atheists! Bring Polycarp!” Polycarp went into hiding, but soon eschewed that and exposed himself to imperial judgment.
Brought before the proconsul, Polycarp was directed to “worship the Emperor” (54). He refused. The Judge decreed, “Out with the atheists!” Polycarp responded to the gathered crowd, “Yes, away with the atheists!”
The Judge offered him a plea-arrangement: "...swear by the Emperor and curse Christ." Polycarp offered his infamous rejoinder and refusal:
"For 86 years, I have served Him and He has done me no evil. How could I curse my King who saved me?”
Observe this. There is no Tractarianism in Polycarp’s story: purgatory, treasury of the saints, treasure of merits, invocations of departed saints, Petrine supremacy, mandatory celibacy, Erastianism, Mariology, mitres, chasubles, copes, justification by works-merits or more.
Rather, Polycarp evinces assurance of salvation, strong faith over an entire 86-year life going back to 69 A.D, and an assured claim of Christ as his King. He also was reared from infancy in the faith, a covenantal child.
Persecution under Marcus Aurelius, Emperor from 161 to 180 A.D.
According to Mr. Gonzalez, he was not “enamored with power and vainglory” like Nero or Domitian, but advocated for “perfect and simple dignity” with “freedom, kindness and justice” (55).
On the other hand, he was allegedly superstitious, sought the advice of seers, and offered propitiatory sacrifices to his whatever-deity in the pantheon. He also favored a revival of the old Roman religion. He believed the Christians lacked these fundament virtues because they were “obstinate.”
Felicitas and her 7 sons come to view during Aurelius’s reign. She was devoted to the Church and good works. The Prefect tried to get her to recant by promises followed by threats. She answered: “…while I live, I shall defeat you, and if you kill me, in my death I shall defeat you.” The children stood by their mother’s “Confession of Faith.” One man's claim of obstinacy is a Reformed Churchman's claim of saving faith.
Note her assurance of faith and trust in Christ concerning, inferentially, the intermediate state; she is confident of heaven, not purgatory. Christ alone without invoking saints.
The records were sent to Marcus Aurelius. He ordered their deaths to occur in different parts of Rome. Mr. Gonzalez suggested this was to propitiate and cleanse various sections of the city. On this evidence, we would be inclined to infer "setting examples more widely" as a warning to other Confessionalists.
Justin Martyr also died during Marcus Aurelius’s reign. Apparently, he “bested” a famous pagan philosopher in a debate in Rome. Apparently, or as is frequently asserted, he was of a scholarly cast of mind. He died in Rome, as a result.
Information on Justin's dispatch comes from letters from Lyons and Vienne to churches in Asia Minor and Phrygia (56).
After Marcus Aurelius’s death in 180 A.D., there was a respite until Septimus Severus became the Emperor in 193 A.D.
Mr. Gonzalez’s gives his summary of the last period of the second century:
"During the entire second century, Christians were in a precarious position. They were not constantly persecuted. Sometimes they were persecuted in some areas of the empire, and not in others” (57).
Further, it was not always the “worst” emperor but sometimes the “better emperors” who did the persecuting...who saw Christians as importing a “subversive overtones” warranting suppression as a “matter of policy in defense of the integrity of the state” (58).
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